Archive for March, 2011


In this photo, an SPLA soldier seen inspecting after his unit launched an operation against rebel forces. Photo: World News website

By PaanLuel Wël, Washington DC, USA

As you make your bed, so must you lie on it—English Adage.

March 27, 2011 (SSNA) — I rarely comment on nor engage in futile debate on trivial issues raised on this news-site though many topics that justifiably demand and does deserve such course of actions from my standpoint of view do abound. Sometimes, however, circumstantial events such as the recent articles authored by Deng Reik Khoryoam—March25th, 2011—called for the embracement of pragmatic flexibility in the face of such unwarranted and sensationalized political propaganda.

In the article, “Pagan and the likes area threat to peace and stability in South Sudan!”, Mr. Khoryoam attempted to paint an eerily dark and reckless picture of Hon. Pagan Amum, the SPLM SG and the Minister for Peace and CPA Implementation in the government of Southern Sudan, as the sole cause of all problems bedeviling the soon-to-be independent state of South Sudan.

Without delving into each and every baseless accusation he congregated against Hon. Pagan Amum, the doyen of our liberation struggle, it would suffice to state that Mr. Khoryoam is of the erroneous notion that “Pagan and the likes” are leveling uncalled-for allegations against the NCP; are strikingly lying before cameras about “forged animated documents” purported to incriminate the NCP; are deliberately diverting public attention away from “the SPLM/A own failures” to provide public security in South Sudan; and are archaic communists fond of making redundant noises at the wrong time/forum.

Mr.Khoryoam further submitted that Hon. Pagan Amum is resolutely drawing a wedge between President Kiir of the SPLM and Dr. Lam Akol of the SPLM-DC, much to the destabilization of South Sudan. This audaciously insinuate that the two leaders—President Kiir and Dr. Lam—would have otherwise been on cordial and collaborative political terms if only there was no this supposedly devil called “Pagan and the likes” near the corridors of power in Juba.

Thus, were Mr. Khoryoam to have his ways and will, he would advise President Kiir, and anyone else who care to listen for that matter, to shun “Pagan and the likes” by all means and costs necessary.

It is worthwhile to supplementarily state that this is not the first time Mr.Khoryoam is unleashing an unearned attack on one of our war veterans. Following the unfortunate and senseless massacre of innocent civilians of Fangak by the forces of George Athor Deng on February 9th, 2011, Mr. Khoryoam, in one of his penned article in the immediacy of the ill-fated killing, called out Hon. James Hoth Mai, another iconic figure of our liberation struggle, as a coward and a Dinka slave.

Yet, all good citizens of South Sudan very well know that without the sacrificial perseverance and steadfastness to the core principle of liberation struggle by the “devil” and the “coward” as Mr. Khoryoam would rather have us believe in Hon. Pagan Amum and Hon. James Hoth Mai respectively; the SPLM/A, that exclusively spearheaded and fought the war of independence, and hence brought the CPA on a golden plate, would have been defeated between the harrowing years of 1991-2005.

And up in smoke, consequently, would have gone the impending independence day of July 9th, 2011. Is this how we should and must deservedly treat our war heroes? Do we have to politically soil others in order to appear politically clean and innocence in the eyes of the public? Is Mr. Khoryoam justified in coloring Hon. Pagan Amum black in order for his political godfather or himself to appear white?

Therefore, I would like to unequivocally refute the irrational perception that “Pagan and the likes are [the] threat to peace and stability in South Sudan!” This is not true because it is, to paraphrase the author himself, a baseless accusations and a cheap tribalized propaganda driven by political motives characterized by Mr.Khoryoam’s personal jealousy of and hatred for the SPLM SG, Hon. Pagan Amum.

The main cause of political instability—read armed rebellions—is the bold incentivization of violence rebellions in South Sudan. A mere glance at the composition of the Government of Southern Sudan, both at the national and state levels, glaringly screams out one fact: there is an incentive to rebel. It pays to rebel and to kill innocent citizens!

The sheer immense attractiveness of political reward for unprovoked revolts and ridiculous butcherings of innocent unarmed inhabitants is what drive politic and guarantee easy access to both power and wealth in Juba. Where the rule of law is abandoned and political terror recognized and embraced, there is only one outcome: reasonable people will follow where incentives are. That, exactly, is the current situation we have in South Sudan.

It is a natural outcome of a systematic state policy. It has nothing to do with Pagan Amum’s alleged political maneuvers and nor is it an SPLA own failures since SPLA, as a national army, can’t be expected to fight tribal wars and end up killing innocent civilians—no matter how brainwashed and tribally indoctrinated they might appear to be.

Rational as all humans are, what do you expect the likes of George Athor Deng to do having just witnessed NCP-allied militias he not-long-ago fiercely fought against being placed above him as his new bosses? The most logical thing any sensible human being can do, of course: find a flimsy pretext, rebel, kill and maim, and then come back, threateningly, in the name of peace. Undisappointingly, the GoSS would go ahead and promote you as a reward for the rebellions and the want on killings you engaged in.

For the record, I am not necessarily against the so-called South-South Dialogue if conducted in good faith with the sole goal to achieve collective national unity, long lasting peace and development in South Sudan. In fact, I applaud President Kiir for taking the mantle from the late Dr. John Garang, the former leader of the SPLM/A, and successfully integrated all the NCP-allied militias, a process without which the referendum would not have seen the light of the day.

All that I am saying though is that we must all be prepared to live with the consequences of that very necessary political process. It rewards evils and incentivizes violence rebellions. It may not be the case that George Athor Deng and his colleagues necessarily take delight in armed revolts or love to kill innocence nationals or even have anything against the government of President Kiir or the governorship of Kuol Manyang Juuk; they are just communicating a message which we all know how it all began: give us better position like what you did to other militias or else we go on rampage killing!

Killing them—George Athor and his colleagues—is not doing any justice either for that would be a bald-faced discrimination on the part of President Kiir: rewarding one criminal while killing the other, yet for the same crime is inconsistence. Not only that, hunting them down to death would reasonably follow that all militias, those already in GoSS included, must be excusably killed too. Yet, that is unattainable, both politically and militarily. Arguably, that is a dead-end enterprise as there is no point in trying an exercise in futility.

We are fortunately or unfortunately left with one invariable choice: forgive, forget and reward. But instead of desperately scavenging for scapegoats as Mr.Khoryoam helplessly strained himself to do in the person of Hon. Pagan Amum and the likes, we must all be prepared to live painfully with the consequences of our necessary national actions.

The predicament here though is that this national necessity begets inevitable nasty lemons that we must learn to make lemonades out of. As we make our bed, so must we lie on it?

Among all the economic, social and political dilemmas we are, and will be, confronting in South Sudan, their causes doesn’t, and won’t, matter as much as their ultimate solutions. Let’s prioritize the urgent while trivializing the unnecessary.

You can reach PaanLuel Wël at paanluel2011@gmail.com , Facebook, or through his blog at: https://paanluelwel2011.wordpress.com/



South Sudan women’s conference in Juba, May 2009. Photo: ST

By PaanLuel Wël, Washington DC, USA

“Women in [South] Sudan are the marginalized of the marginalized people”—Dr. John Garang.

March 15, 2011 (SSNA) — March 8th of every year is marked, all over the world by women, as International Women’s Day (IWD). Established and first observed on 28 February 1909 in the United States, International Women’s Day today is, to quote Wikipedia, both a “celebration for women’s economic, political and social achievements” and a “political and social awareness of the struggles of women worldwide” in a man dominated world.

South Sudanese women, similarly to their counterparts all over the world, converged at Nyakuron Culture Center in Juba to commemorate this year IWD under the banner of “Equal Access to Education, Training, Science and Technology: Pathway to Decent Work for Women.” Most importantly, a lot of emphasis was placed on the direct relationship between girl-child education and the attainment of women rights and freedoms in South Sudan.

That girl-child education and empowerment was the backdrop of the March 8th IWD celebration did not come across as a surprise to any keen observer of South Sudanese affairs considering all the tragic news the media has been spewing about the rampant impregnations of minors, forced marriages of schoolgirls and early marriages of the underage girls across the country.

It would be worthwhile, therefore, to have a closer look at the compiled data, in the words of the reporters, mainly drawn from Sudan Tribune and Gurtong.org, who observed and reported the incidents. It is to be noted though that this data covered only three months: between December 2010 through March 1st, 2011. You can then extrapolate the magnitude of the real problem if only this short period of time has this so much going on:

March 1, 2011: One 18-year-old girl (Akoy Madol Alier) was killed, another one (Akot Ngong) was seriously injured in dispute with family over bridegroom choice.

February 25, 2011: A key police officer in the minister of internal affairs of the government of south Sudan denied Friday allegations of rape of female police recruits and physical abuse during a year-long police training period in Juba.

February 24, 2011: A Sudanese female activist has appeared bare-faced in a Youtube video and claimed that she was raped by three members of Sudan’s National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS).

The 24-year-old Safiya Eshaq, a member of an anti-government youth group known as Grifna, said she was kidnapped, assaulted and gang-raped by plain-clothed security men on February 13th, nearly two weeks after she participated in anti-government protests.

February 22, 2011: Sudanese security authorities have employed several forms of gender-based violence, including rape, against female activists who took part in recent anti-government campaigns, a local right group said on.

Girls dropping out of education in Rumbek: many girls leaving school before finishing their studies, local culture is one of the factors cited as a cause of high dropout rate of girls from schools.

Officials within the ministry of education talked of teachers who have either married minors or married off their underage daughters.

February 11, 2011: A girl from Rumbek North County, Agok Monyman Apach, was beaten to death by her uncle’s son in a dispute over her forced marriage. The girl is reported to have been killed after she demanded to be given ivory jewelry, a symbol of marital status in Dinka culture, before the wedding.

January 14, 2011: Police in Rumbek, the capital of Lakes state in Southern Sudan beat up women who wearing trousers and young men with long hair on Friday. Lakes state police in forcibly cut the hair of men.

January 4, 2011: A 13-year old girl, Nyandiar Makur Kachuol, a 5th grade student at Bar-aliep Primary school, was beaten to death by a gang of brothers and relatives over pregnancy allegation.

In 2010: A female student belonging to Atiaba Secondary School in Rumbek East County was beaten to death by her parents over pregnancy allegations.

September 2010: A 16 year old, Form one student at Hope and Resurrection Secondary School, Martha Athou Lueth, was beaten to death by her father when she got pregnant.

In 2010: Nyikada Ngoki, a primary school pupil in Wulu County committed suicide in October after being forced into a marriage she didn’t consent to.

In 2010: Another girl from in Wulu County committed suicide in order to avoid being forced to marry a much older man.

These occurrences, among others have, compelled some judges to adopt radical reinterpretations of the penal code. The President of the High Court in Lakes state, Judge Raimondo Legge, has incarcerated about 58 young men in custody for impregnating underage schoolgirls. Though impregnating a girl who has reached puberty age is not a crime in almost all cultures of South Sudan, Judge Raimondo Legge is nevertheless threatening to put behind bars those young men for 25 years as an example to the rest who might be contemplating the same crime.

So what or who is to blame for all these seemingly societal meltdown on the eve of the long awaited independence on July 9th, 2011? The main culprit is, of course, a culture that undermines and disregards women interest in preferences for men’s. These cultural imbalances, fashioned and fostered by historical, customary and traditional predispositions and prejudices, are based on and perpetuated by a patriarchical society where men’s interests, desires and whims are not only the cherished rules and norms but also the yardstick of measuring societal conducts.

Unsurprisingly, this trend has generated numerous lopsided customs in which cultural practices undermine and endanger the rights and lives of women folks. The consequential outcome is a cultural disparity where women are to be seen but not heard, used and abused but never accorded due respect and/or justice.

Wives, for instance, live at the mercy of their husband, having bought them like marketable goods in a local market. They own nothing in their names that they could lay claim to in case of a divorce; not even their own offsprings for the children are solely own by and name after the man’s family.

More dehumanizingly, the girl has no absolute say in how and to who she get marry to: that is the exclusive domain of the clan elders, uncles, brothers and fathers whose guiding motivation is not the interest of the lady but the amount of dowry the suitors avail or promise them in exchange for the lady.

However, the main overarching umbrella under which all these male subjectivities and partialities converge and materialize into an enforceable and perpetuatable form is the dowry-based customary marriage institution. Take the Dinka community, for example, the bride price reportedly ranges from 30 to 300 heads of cattle with one cow roughly going for one thousand Sudanese pound or about $350 US dollars, current market price.

For a Dinka or a Nuer man who had paid such an exorbitant price for a wife, what kind of gender equality can you teach him as far as women right and freedom are concern? Not much because a woman, his wife, is just but one part of the property he had painstakingly acquired over long period of   conscientious time and now owns alongside other possessions such as his prized bulls, herd of cattle, traditional spear, granary of grains and the gun he uses to protect his herd of cattle from rustlers.

The fact of the matter though is that women themselves have got nothing to do with the very bride price that has become the embodiment of their enslavement. For whatever exchange hands, those 300 heads of cattle, during the marriage ceremony is a male-male transaction that women have no control over nor are they participants of. It is one male paying another one with women playing the role of a tradable goods. Faulting womenfolk for their predicaments in the name of “men pay the dowry” would tantamount to blaming the slaves for their enslavement (instead of the ones who enslaved them against their wills).

Therefore, even if men might pitch their claim of gender superiority within the home on the dowry theory, it is not a valid argument since the transaction does not benefit the woman in any conceivable way. Yet at the same time, it is hard to reconcile the naked fact of the matter: no law or policy can successfully instill and achieve real gender equity in a relationship where one party (the husband) has to part with over 300 heads of cattle in order to obtain the right to marry his bride. Put it differently, gender equity and bride price based marriage system are incompatible. One has to be sacrifice so as to realize the other! So what do we do? Robbing Peter to pay Paul?

Dissimilar tentative resolutions to this quagmire have been proposed and recommended by three schools of thoughts. The first school of thought, whose constituents are the center-moderates, highly educated but not too liberal sections of the South Sudanese society, call for the abolition of the dowry-based marriage institution that renders women as property of menfolk. These groups hope to achieve their demands through the formulation and enactment of constitutional law in the South Sudan Legislative Assembly (SSLA) that would outlaw and abolish bride price marriage system.

They further argue that payment of dowry not only degrade and malign womanhood but also encourage cattle rustlings among men who carry out cattle raids and rustlings to acquire the obligatory 30-300 heads of cattle to pay the bride price. These accordingly destabilize the region since it contributes to ethnic tensions and unnecessary wars and killings that undermine peace and development in South Sudan. It is to this group of thinkers that Judge Raimondo Legge, The President of the High Court in Lakes state, is the darling of the people and the crusader of human rights.

The second school of thought takes offense of the argument advance by the first school of thought terming it as a piecemeal implementation of the long deferred civil liberties of all South Sudanese people. Why only women’s rights, they wonder, and yet all people and every citizens of this great country—lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transsexuals (LGBT), commercial sex workers, children, animals etc—deserve these inalienable rights and freedom too? This second school of thought is composed of small minority of highly educated liberal South Sudanese, many of whom are currently based in the West. To this group of thinkers, Judge Raimondo Legge’s actions sound nothing more than a blandishment.

The third school of thought, though they condemn the killing of girls, still refuses to advocate the abolition of dowry-based marriage system. And nor do they back full adaptation of an all-out rights and freedom for all citizens arguing that it would be equivalent to the westernization of South Sudanese societies.

This third school of thought, exclusively made up of the conservatives and the traditionalists, assert that any abolition of bride price marriage would lead to killing of our cultural heritage and the opening of a floodgate of cultural decadence e.g prostitution, divorce, single parenthood, promiscuity, infidelity, fornication, bastardization, LGBT—name them—as it is in the West. For them, the only security and guarantee against these cultural breakdowns is the continuation and the appreciation of the bride price marriage system even if at the expenses of a certain section of the society.

It is this group that has been highly infuriated by the actions of Judge Raimondo Legge who is criminalizing the impregnation of young schoolgirls contrary to the customary law. To the conservatives and the traditionalists, Judge Raimondo Legge who is planning to imprison nearly 60 young men for impregnating underage schoolgirls, is only problematizing a normal situation which is better handle by the Dinka customary penal code. What they see is a man-bashing tactics concealed in a law being presided over by a westernized man who has little respect for nor the understanding of the ways of life among the Dinka people of Lake State.

So, given these horrific statistics and the three arguments for and against women rights and the abolition of the dowry-based marriage system, is there a trade-off between the promotion of our women rights and freedoms versus the preservation of our African cultural heritage? Is it impossible to realize the rights of a girl-child without first abolishing the dowry system of marriage? Can the girl-child enjoy her uninhibited freedom in the present of the dowry system?

Or, as the second school of thinkers argues above, is it even fair to talk of women rights while neglecting and shunning the rights of LGBT and prostitutes amongst us? How about children or animals rights? I mean where is the line and who has the final say upon where it should be? Who has the authority to decide for us all: moderates, liberal or the conservatives? Will they ever agree to agree or they doom to agree to disagree?

Is it the case that the banishing of dowry-based marriage institution will erode cultural heritage and usher in cultural decadence characterize by prostitution, divorce, single parenthood, promiscuity, infidelity, fornication, bastardization, LGBT as the die-hard traditionalists claim? Is legislation in the SSLA the right way to safeguard the rights, freedom, and lives of the girl-child or are cultural penal codes and norms sufficient enough to protect and promote the freedoms and lives of the girl-child and women?

But wait a minute, how worse off is a South Sudanese woman and a girl-child, say, in comparison to their counterparts in the rest of Sub-Saharan African countries? Not too bad at all if we are to believe the recent speech delivered by Dr. Machar, the Vice President of South Sudan, during this year International Women’s Day, Tuesday, 8th March, 2011.

In fact, besides the constitutionally guaranteed “at least 25%” feminine representations across all level of governance in South Sudan, Dr. Machar revealed to the gathering of women delegations that “feminine membership [in South Sudan] has [now] increased from 25% to 28.5% in the recent Elections in both legislature and executive bodies.”

And nor are women left behind in executive leadership for, as Dr. Machar put it, they constitute about twenty percent of Ministers, one in ten of State Governors and one third of Undersecretaries in the current Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS).

Owing to these statistical facts, Dr. Machar inferred that, “Southern Sudan [is] now ranking in the top ten African countries in terms of Women’s representation in Parliament.” That is a rosy picture, isn’t it? Yes, except that Dr. Machar, being a politician, can’t be expected to paint a lesser picture than that on as an important day as the International Women Day commemoration.

Still, South Sudan, though at the bottom of the least developed countries in the entire world and currently the last nation to achieve independence in the Sub-Saharan Africa, is not at the bottom when it comes to women rights and the girl-child education and empowerment.

Our interim constitution, like in most countries in the world, has instituted a clause about affirmative action—a politically correct term for a positive discrimination. We have women ministers, governors, parliamentarians, Judges, lecturers and professors, PhD holders and even founding members of the SPLM/A such as Madam Nyandeng de Mabioor etc.

That is a good start for a new nation on a new mission to unshackle the marginalization of the “marginalized of the marginalized people” in the immortal words of Dr. John Garang. Therefore, liberate the marginalized of the marginalized people and you liberate the whole country; educate and empower the girl-child and you educate and empower the entire country!

You can reach PaanLuel Wël at   paanluel2011@gmail.com , Facebook, or through his blog at: https://paanluelwel2011.wordpress.com/


Top figures of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). Photo: splmtoday.com

By PaanLuel Wël, Washington DC, USA

February 19, 2011 (SSNA) — As reported by Sudan Tribune, February 13th, 2011, Pagan Amum, the SPLM SG and GoSS minister for Peace and CPA Implementation, announced that “the ruling Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) in the south has officially adopted South Sudan as a name for the New State” which would be declared on July 9th, 2011. This proposal and adoption, awaiting formal approval by the South Sudan Legislative Assembly (SSLA), was arrived at “from the meeting of the SPLM’s Politburo headed by the SPLM Chairman Salva Kiir.”

Technically speaking, this tentative espousal of the new official name, The Republic of South Sudan, for the new country to-be has created new realities on the ground. These latest developments, the realization of liberation and the official acceptance of the new name, have indisputably rendered the name “SPLM/A” inappropriate and irrelevant in and for the new geopolitical environment. Consequently, SPLM/A must change its official name in line with the new realities on the ground.

I base my argument on two main premises. One, we are in a new country whose official name, unlike the old one in which the name SPLM/A was based on, is South Sudan. Yet, the existing ruling party in this new country continues to be formally known as the Sudan People Liberation Movement. There is no logical rationale in retaining the old country name in SPLM/A—the ruling party in the new country. Therefore, SPLM/A must discard of its current name and assume new one that would be pertinent to and duly reflect the new country that it is presently governing.

The second explanation why I think SPLM/A ought to alter its official name has everything to do with the second part of its name: Sudan People Liberation Movement. With the pronouncement of independence in July, 2011, it is palpable that the liberation struggle, the prominent goal of the movement, has been objectified.

Therefore, the SPLM/A, as the present ruling party in the Republic of South Sudan (RSS), must have to reevaluate itself and take up not only new different official name but it must also endeavor to seek new different objectives for running the new nation. These new objectives will have nothing to do with liberation movement but everything to do with the acceleration of development and institutionalization of democracy in the new country.

To start with, it is important to point out that parties, all over the world, are named according to the ideologies (objectives) with which to bring about new developmental transformations in the countries in which they are based. Hence, in the United Kingdom, for instance, you have such names as Labor Party (mainly catering for the working class’ interest); Liberal Democratic Party (advocating for social liberties and civil rights); and Conservative Party (a guardian of core traditional values and norms).

The same nature of party formation and naming according to the policies and objective they pursue is replicated in the USA (Democratic Party, Republican Party, Green Party etc); Japan (Liberal Democratic Party, Democratic Party of Japan etc); China (The Communist Party—the only cock in town); South Africa (African National Congress, United Democratic Movement, Pan African Congress etc) to mention but just a few.

Thus, it would be highly impertinent for the SPLM/A, whose current purpose should be about economic development, to persistently calling itself a liberation movement when there is no more armed struggle to be waged. Therefore, SPLM/A must pick a new name which have got to delete the word Sudan and replaces it with South Sudan. Secondly, SPLM/A must have to drop the words Liberation Movement from its official and take on a name that would have something to do with either development or democracy or both: two urgent areas where its future energies ought to be spent on.

SPLM/A is not longer a liberation movement nor is it still a party in the old country call Sudan. Consequently, there is an urgent necessity to rename, too, the army—the Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) as it is currently known. Dissimilarly to the SPLM which is a political party, the SPLA can obviously hang on to the words Liberation Army. Therefore, something like South Sudan People Liberation Army (SSPLA), South Sudan National Army (SSNA) or Simply South Sudan Army (SSA) would be befitting and relevant.

But if new realities on the ground will have to compel and necessitate the SPLM to change its official name, what then will its new name be? Secondly, what should we then do with the name “SPLM” considering that it was the SPLM/A that bravely, and single handedly, fought for and delivered unto us this New Shining Country and unprecedented freedom we achieved? Should we just dumped and flushed this historic and sacrosanct name down the dustbin of history and forget it forever?

As I have already stated above, the new official name(s) that SPLM will have to adopt and use in the New State will have to be country-ly applicable and policy-objectively sound. Thus, adopting South Sudan Liberation Movement (SSLM) will still not work, at least in my opinion, because it will be ideologically misplaced and flawed. Having a new name such as South Sudan Democratic Party (SSDP), however, would perfectly fit and satisfy the two criteria laid down above.

It could also be called Democratic Party of South Sudan (DPSS) just to avoid the pain of confusing it, from the voters’ perspective, with South Sudan United Democratic Party, a currently registered opposition party in the Republic of South Sudan. Still, it is up to the SPLM as a party to adopt and use those names it see fit so long as the name (s) chosen is relevant to the new country.

What to do with the name ‘SPLM?’ Well, a lot, depending on your positive or negative view of the party and its historic link to our noble struggle. Evidently, with the recent announced official separation of SPLM/A into Northern and Southern parties that would be virtually separate and exclusively independent of each other, it would be possible and plausible to argue that, as the Southern sector search for and adopt a new name for itself in line with the name of the New country, the name SPLM/A should remain with the Northern sector as its official name. After all, those brothers and sisters in arms are still in a country called Sudan and are, by all accounts, still fighting for liberation—the New Sudan Vision.

However, it would be hard to foretell how South Sudanese, who formed, and still does, the backbone of and spearheaded the Liberation Movement, would react to such suggestion. The SPLM, to most South Sudanese is more than a political party. It is the embodiment of the liberation struggle, the symbol of the blood shed for freedom, the crystallization of their freedom and independence, and the hope for the brighter tomorrow. Thus, it would be a heresy to many veterans of the Movement to leave the SPLM in the old Sudan, the very country that typifies their oppression and enslavement.

If it would be unthinkable for the SPLM in the South to relinquish and bequeath the name to the SPLM/A in the North, then we have to find a second appropriate alternative. That alternative would be found in a noble cause or a place to name after SPLM/A. Among the suggestions would be a busy high way, a learning institutions, a landmark building, a new capital city in the making, a national park, a name of a new state to be created, or the State/presidential house (our white House or Downing Street No. 10.).

But most importantly, we can greatly honor the SPLM by naming the official name of the South Sudan Legislative Assembly as SPLM. Having a distinct and clear name for the law-making body is a prevalent tradition around the world. It is called Congress in the USA, Parliament in the UK, Duma in Russia, Diet in Japan, Knesset in Israel, Bundestag in Germany, National Congress in Argentina, or National People Congress in China. Of course, owing to colonization by the European powers, most people in Africa know the national assembly only as parliament, an adoption of the UK’s one.

Thus, having a distinct and unique name for our national assembly would be both an appropriate honor for the SPLM name as well as a noted mark of socio-political maturation for our war veteran politicians. It would be a true mark of real independence not only from the Arabs but also from the long arm and crushing yoke of neo-colonialism.

What a great way it would be to kill three birds with one stone! We would canonize and preserve the SPLM’s name forever in the living memory of our dead and wounded heroes/heroines. We would rebuff both Arabism and Islamism, and moreover, still-borne the encroachments of neo-colonization on to the door step of our inchoate nation.

In calling for the SPLM to change its official names, I have all along presupposed that there would be no much qualm about it, and for good reasons. Surely, this won’t be the first time that unanticipated circumstances will be forcing the veteran liberation party hands against its will and purposes. The 1991 Nasir Rebellion shook SPLM/A to its core. Confronted with a combined forces of a resurgent Jihadistic party of NCP and the Nasir Group, SPLM/A, in the 1994 Chukudum Convention had to change its core strategy of the war and added Southerners Self-determination besides its traditional stand of New Sudan Vision which “advocates pluralism and respect for diversity in all of Sudan.”

Forward those scenarios to the CPA era and the referendum period, you would have noticed that the SPLM/A gracefully and humbly settled for the (unintended) moon instead of the (targeted) star. Certainly, ideological flexibility, contextual interpretation and timely respond to the rapidly unfolding events ensure survivability in the rough waters of unforgiving political scene. Rigidity, on the other hand, spells dooms.

As the splintering of the Movement in the 1990s, the untimely death of Dr. John Garang in 2005, and thus, the apparent unattainability of the New Sudan had compelled SPLM/A in the past to change its course and actions, I also expect the current new developments, as illustrated above, to help convince the SPLM/A to study and respond, appropriately, to the calling of history as it currently unfold.

That calling as elucidated above is for the SPLM/A to adopt a new different name for itself in the wake of the new geopolitical realities it has find itself in today. That new name must be relevant to the country in which we are in and must be connected to either development or democracy or both. Secondly, the best way to dispose of the name SPLM/A, after the current party has adopted a new different names, would be to rename our national assembly after it.

That would, ever-long-lastingly, enshrine the names and memory of our Liberation Movement, and of the sons/daughters of South Sudan who gave up their precious lives for our freedom, into our past, present and future collective national consciousness.

Mr. PaanLuel Wël can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it or through his blog: http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com/

“The founding conference of Academics & Researchers Forum for Development took place in South Sudan Hotel in Juba, between 22nd and 23rd February 2011”. Photo: johnakecsouthsudan.blogspot.com

By PaanLuel Wël, Washington DC, USA

Good management is the art of making problems so interesting and their solutions so constructive that everyone wants to get to work and deal with them—By Paul Hawken.

February 27, 2011 (SSNA) — Speaking to the gatherings of South Sudanese professionals and intellectuals marking the founding of the South Sudan Academics Forum for Development in Juba, February 22nd, 2011, Dr. Machar, the Vice-President of the Government of South Sudan, made two long-known, but never publicly admitted, concessions.

First, he conceded that most learned South Sudanese are not well integrated into the running and reconstruction of the burgeoning country. Thus, he called upon them to “use their acquired knowledge and assist the government in the daunting task of building the new independent state on a solid foundation.”

And as a result of these South Sudanese commended experts and top-rated scholars being at the periphery of nation building, Dr. Machar “revealed that 60% of the current employees in Southern Sudan have no [basic] skills” and necessary experiences to accomplish their assigned task in building the nation.

So what do the professionals, intellectuals and citizens of South Sudan make of this blatant admission, one that is long over-due, from the government? The unmistaken spoken message from the lips of Dr. Machar is that South Sudan, as a rising nation from the devastation of wars, can’t and won’t manage to get on its feet without the aid and backing of the South Sudanese professionals and intellectuals, both within and/or outside the country.

Therefore, this is undoubtedly a distressed call for the well-read sons and daughters of South Sudan living in the Diaspora to come back home and embark on the demanding responsibility of rebuilding the country, a noble cause that all are, and should be, honored to be part of. Seen this way, the onus then is on the knowledgeable South Sudanese whether or not they will heed the call and take up the challenge from the government and assume their rightful place in the jihad of national development and advancement.

Yet, paradoxically, the very South Sudanese living overseas being implored by the government to return home are, and have all along been, seeking ways to contribute to the development of the New Country. Given the chance, many would rather be in South Sudan where their collective pools of experiences and exposures would be put into a good cause within the country of their origins rather than in their adopted nations.

Majority of these South Sudanese skilled professionals and academically recognized intellectuals—scientists, medical doctors and nurses, lawyers and judges, engineers, university professors and lecturers, economists, educationalists, information technologists and other highly skilled connoisseurs—have the competencies to achieve what it take to reconstruct and develop a war-torn country like South Sudan.

By competency I mean the appropriate kind of actions that can be seen when a job underhand is performed satisfactorily according to the stipulations of blueprint plan for national development. Scores of these South Sudanese Diasporas have, through many years of rigorous schooling and steady top-notch job held, acquired valuable knowledge (information that has to be learned and recalled to carry out a job) and time-tested skills (the application of that knowledge in a practical way to achieve a constructive result).

Tapping into and the exploitation these reservoirs of waiting-to-be-use knowledge and skills should be the government first priority as it embarks on building the new country from scratch. This venture can be accomplished by assembling wide ranging programs to entice skilled professionals to actually return to South Sudan.

Secondly, the government of South Sudan, or the South Sudanese professionals themselves, can organize a round-table conference wherein discussions and planning would revolve around the best way forward in the amalgamation and employment of this under-utilized section of the citizenry.

Another possible, and somewhat favorable, method would be to tap into the knowledge, skills, experiences and expertise of the learned South Sudanese specialists while they don’t necessarily transpose to South Sudan. This proposal would be informed by the fact that much of the country is still politically and economically unstable, not least because it just recently materialized from a vicious war.

Therefore, schemes of transferring skills from abroad-based South Sudanese scholars through internet based conduits, visitations; fellowships etc can be explored, contrived, and rapidly put into operation instead of spending millions of our limited resources on foreign expatriates from Kenya, Uganda, etc. These so called expatriates are mere rejects of their own nations who are no better than the over 60% of the workforce Dr. Machar mentioned above.

South African government is one body that has successfully formulated and deployed this approach so far in Africa. Through the South African Network of Skills Abroad (SANSA), the ANC-led government has been able to tap into and exploit the expertise of their estranged sons and daughters, many of whom are products of brain-drain pandemic. Since many of our skilled experts do reside in technologically advanced countries—North America, Western Europe or Australia—it is easy to set up a trustworthy website(s) where they can freely sign up and contribute to the development of their motherland.

The government can then make the most of these pools of know-how at the click of a mouse to help out in the reconstruction of the country. South Sudanese professional and intellectuals can operate as think-tanks groups for research and development just like the Kenya-based Research and Development Forum for Science-Led Development in Africa (RANDFORUM) where leading intellectuals and celebrated scholars apply their skills and experiences to tackle pressing problems of the day.

In so doing, these army of acclaimed South Sudanese, to the letter and spirit of Dr. John Garang’s vision of the Seventh Front, would facilitate the transfer of much needed technologies such as computer software, engineering techniques, latest educational tools etc.

Additionally, several of them can lend their hands in capacity building in the embryonic government of South Sudan by organizing workshops, seminars, fellowships and conferences offering trainings in nation building, human rights, democracy and developmental projects.

They could also prop up the government of South Sudan in the establishment of bilateral and multilateral relationship both politically and socio-economically. No nation exists as an island. South Sudan, as the newest nation on earth, will, and does already, has national interests to protect and advance, in one way or another, either on the international stage or in Africa.

But for our political and socio-economical ambitions to survive and succeed in the rough waters of the cut-throat international politics, we need allies. Our sons and daughters, many of whom with citizenship in the leading nations of the world, are the right guys at the right time to connect and cement our affiliation with those potential political and economical associates we shall soon be trotting the globe courting earnestly.

South Sudanese Diaspora communities are our natural ambassadors that South Sudanese leaders in Juba can’t afford to neglect nor ignore lest the reconstruction process would lag behind its otherwise scheduled time-frame.

In spite of these immense benefits accruable from attracting back our foreign trained professionals and scholars, it seem puzzling that the government in Juba is yet to, apart from paying lip services to the problem, initiate any viable bona fide program to magnetize and tap into their vast wealth of skills and experiences amassed from all corners of the world.

If indeed the government is keen on drawing in, retaining and integrating the accomplished specialists as Dr. Machar suggested, and the skilled professionals themselves are no less enthusiastic about being the key component behind the reconstruction and development process in South Sudan as their perpetual grumblings on the internet attest, why then are we still talking about how to attract and maintain the certified experts in South Sudan? And when and where the government is the one doing the talking instead of doing the “doing”, who then should be listening and do the real business that must be done?

Obviously, a cocktail of economic and political conditions in South Sudan dissuade many skilled experts and professionals from returning home. On top of the economic woes are the dismally performing economy characterized by high unemployment rates and/or miserable paychecks, unpredictable social and security upheavals and dearth of ample social amenities—health and education etc—for the families of South Sudanese professionals.

On the political front is the opaque and highly restricted political system with notable human rights abuses. Brought up in a pluralistic political environment in the West, most of the skilled professionals find South Sudan politics, dominated by one major party, too dictatorial and impenetrable. That politics, landing a job or securing a top position in the government are invariably intertwine in South Sudan only help to exacerbate the tribulations for most trained professionals, many of whom with no close working relationships with the government of Southern Sudan.

There is, besides political and economic obstacles afore-mentioned, a widespread suspicion and antagonism between our applauded intelligentsia and the war veteran commanders wielding power in Juba. On the one hand, our war veterans consider our erudite men and women, especially those returning from abroad, with deep suspicion that sometimes border on trepidation. Suspicion and fear because, to the war veterans who receive a skilled professionals—say, ones with assortments of doctorates or masters in their briefcases—in his/her ministry in Juba, it is inconceivable for him/her how on earth these skilled experts get the time and the resources to get all these education while s/he was busy fighting for [their] freedom.

Secondly, the minister would wonder how dare they come back home when the war is over to come and replace him/her when it is time for him/her to harvest and eat the fruits of his/her sweat? Simply put, the war veterans see our professionals and intellectuals as plain opportunists who, having abandoned the cause and the country, ran way during the war only to return home when it is time to eat.

On the other hand, our skilled professionals, for their parts, view the ruling class in Juba condescendingly and despicably. To the learned, but majorly sidelined, sons and daughters of South Sudan, the ruling class in Juba is overwhelmingly incompetent, unschooled, corrupt, tribalistic and egotistical. Consequently, there is no way South Sudanese can rely on them to spearhead the developmental phase and usher in a brighter future. The ready solution, in the opinion of the intelligentsia, is for them to either work hand in hand with the war veterans or an outright replacement of the old guards altogether—nothing less than a political coup to the war veterans.

The war veterans, in the thinking of the professionals and scholars, have already done their parts when they liberated the country. Now that we are entering a new kind of war in the process of building the new nation, professionals and intellectuals maintain that our esteemed war veterans are badly prepared and ill-equipped to handle this kind of struggle. Therefore, the only remaining honorable thing for them to do is to throw in the towel and allow better prepared Seventh Front battalions to take over from where they had stopped.

And because much of the policies driving the talk about attracting South Sudanese experts back into the country, and especially in the running of the government, is informed by these obviously distorted, overly suspicious outlooks from both sides of the iron-curtain, a lot of time and considerable amount of effort will be needed to actually succeed in bringing in and assimilating the capable professionals in South Sudan.

This would ultimately call for a holistic approach and engagement in strategies and programs to attract and retain foreign-educated South Sudanese skilled professionals and intellectuals. A present of a free and open political and economic environment devoid of corruption, nepotism, tribalism and god-fatherism would be a prerequisite for a stable, co-operative relationship between the two groups.

Meanwhile, it is important to appreciate the fact that tapping into the professional skills from South Sudanese Diaspora community won’t be an easy task or a quick one to realize any time soon. This is because it would inexorably involve the daunting task of reconciling political rhetoric from Juba with factual reality going on behind the scene.

Mr. PaanLuel Wël can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it or through his blog: http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com/


Photo: AP

By PaanLuel Wël, Washington DC, USA

“For too many Egyptians, Sub-Saharan Africa is a stereotypical exotic land of thick jungles and masses of poor, starving and black-skinned savages” by Sunni Khalid

February 14, 2011 (SSNA) — As 2010 was coming to an end in Africa, no one would have supposed that the year 2011 would be synonymous with people’s power! So far, popular uprisings led by long subdued masses have effectively brought to an end the 28-year-old rule of Ben Ali of Tunisia and a 30-year-old reign of Hosni Mubarak of Egypt—the last Pharaoh.

The rippling affects of this Jasmine revolution are being felt and feared across the Arab-Islamic world today at an unprecedented rate since the two toppled dictators were untouchable until just this year when the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouaziz, a young Tunisian man frustrated and humiliated at the hand of excruciating poverty, sparked the embers of this on-going unstoppable mass-led rebellions.

With the domino-like-effect bound to cascade across the Arabic world, and especially, given the fact that the core pent-up grievances of these citizens are just parallel and comparable to those in the Sub-Saharan Africa, what are the chances that the Jasmine revolution will replicate itself in Sub-Saharan African countries? How worried should the aging dictators of Sub-Saharan Africa be?

I believe it depends on how similar and/or different the socio-economic and geopolitical tribulations confronting the citizens from these two regions are. The nature of citizenry—how politically savvy and technologically connected the population is—does matter too.

There are a lot of similarities between North Africa (NA) and Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) that could help export the Jasmine revolution to SSA. For one, people from both parts of the continent are flustered by the rising cost of basic necessities due to skyrocketing food prices. Secondly, there is chronic unemployment level among the youth and disillusionment with the corrupt aging political elites in both NA and SSA. Thirdly, both region boast of demography where young jobless youth made up a whopping 70% of the population.

But most importantly, people in both regions share deep-rooted frustrations with the dearth of political freedom, widespread human right abuses and general despair over prospects of brighter future. In NA, Ben Ali rule for 28 years and Mubarak was in power for 30 years. Ben Ali, Mubarak, and Muammar Gaddafi of Libya groomed their sons to take over power from them.

Similarly in SSA, we have uncle Mugabe of Zimbabwe (31 years in power), El Beshir of the Sudan (22 years of ruling) and Museveni of Uganda (of 25 years rule and counting). These SSA leaders, among numerous others are accused of egregious corruptions, and possible grooming of their sons. Museveni, for instance, is said to be grooming his son who is now the head of Ugandan Special forces, the elite unit of the Ugandan national army—the UPDF.

In view of the fact that these factors helped triggered the revolts in NA, it is logically sound to speculate that they could still pushed the currently disheartened and submissive masses in SSA to the edge and onto the streets just as they did in both Tunis and Cairo.

But as there are similarities in both regions, so are there conspicuous differences. The foremost case in point is the breed of citizens who organized and led the demonstration in Tunisia and Egypt. The vanguard of rebellion in NA was led by a technologically connected and highly educated youth back up by a rising middle class living in urban cities. SSA, relative to NA, has no sizeable middle class concentrated in urban centers, generally lack adequate access to the internet, Facebook, Twitter or Foursquare etc.

Take Egypt for instead, the city of Cairo alone has a population of over 20 million with per capita income of approximately $10, 000 and a literacy rate of over 72%. Tunisia, on the other hand, has a national literacy rate of about 75% with great concentration of moderately wealthy middle class in Tunis and other major urban centers. Without this kind of citizenry in place, the Jasmine revolution would never have seen the light of the day.

Essentially, the uprisings in NA were mostly confined to the urban cities of Cairo and Tunis where the rising middle class dissatisfactions with the ruling elites reached a boiling point and erupted irreversibly. The existence of highly sophisticated urban societies in NA that is technologically connected to the world help inspired the Facebook and Twitter revolution.

SSA, on the contrary, has no highly educated, technologically connected, politically savvy and blossoming urban middle class. Instead are found the technologically disconnected and highly illiterate marooning youth among major cities of SSA. Lack of internet access or low penetration compounded by the evils of pronounced ethnic allegiances and blind respect for authority have produced politically ignorance mass who can’t rescue themselves from the profligacy of their egotistical leaders.

The old saying that “Ignorance is bliss” still sways in this part of the world. Thus, the citizens of SSA are not likely to realize and capitalize on the relationship between technology and the new found power to challenge entrenched leadership in their backyards.

The second differences is on the (im)partiality of the national army. There is no doubt that the downfall of Ben Ali in Tunisia and Mubarak in Egypt was made possible, or rather precipitated, by the neutrality of the national army. Had they taken side and shored up the regime, we would have witnessed a different story; one that would have delineated the line of either the Chinese Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989 or the 2009 Iranian brutal crackdown on the Green Movement (the Green Movement is slowly crawling back to life, thanks to the Jasmine Revolution, and there was a big demonstration in Tehran yesterday).

The majority of national armies in SSA are like private militias of the incumbent president. This is always the case simply because Africa leaders do staff top positions of the national army with their close relatives. The president is therefore so close to the army that it would be hard to get the army on the side of the people like what happened in both Tunisia and Egypt where the army tilted the balance of power on behalf of the people when they refused to enforced martial arts rule.

The best illustration and possible guide into the likely role of the army in SSA was best portrayed when presidential elections were bitterly contested in Kenya, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Ivory Coast. The army simply sided with the incumbents and beat up the protesters. While their counterparts in NA are being toppled in popular mass uprisings, dictatorial aging leaders in the SSA are recycling themselves into power by abusing democratic processes.

This sometimes resulted in the formation of unstable coalition governments in Sub-Saharan Africa, the latest fashion or reinvention for the aging dictatorial regimes. And because disputed elections produce stalemates at best or bogus government at worst, the very socio-geopolitical stability democracy promises the citizens are irreparably strained.

It will remain to be seen what effects, if any, the Jasmine revolution will have on the SSA countries. In the past, Sub-Saharan African leaders might have been either too preoccupied with corruption or too rich to care about the people. However, this is likely to change in the light of this new unprecedented and unanticipated development that is sweeping away entrenched bad leadership.

It is possible that the leaders of SSA countries may introduce some cosmetic reforms to ward off any forbidding street demonstrations. But unless and until serious socio-economic and political reforms are carried out, there would be always a real danger of a Jasmine-like revolution occurring in the Sub-Saharan African countries.

These deep-seated exasperation among the young, hungry and angry youth over poor job prospects and unaccountable governing ruling class may come to pass in countries such as Zimbabwe, Uganda, Sudan, Gabon, Ethiopia, Morocco, Eritrea, Equatorial Guinea, Burkina Faso, Libya, Swaziland, Togo, Central African Republic and/or Cameroon.

Mr. PaanLuel Wël can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it or through his blog: http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com/


SPLM-DC Chairman Dr. Lam Akol listens in on a discussion of the conference. The SPLM and other Southern political parties agreed in South-South dialogue conference in Juba to form an interim broad-based transitional government after result of referendum on Southern Sudan independence is announced, October 2010. Photo: AP

By PaanLuel Wël (Washington DC, USA)

February 6, 2011 (SSNA) — In the period leading up to the negotiation, signing and promulgation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, it was imperative for all Southerners to front a united face in order to underscore their determination not to be taken for a ride by the National Congress Party of President el Beshir.

The same judgment applied and did occur during the rocky implementation of the CPA and also in the years, months and days running up to the referendum process. That the plebiscite was successfully conducted on time and a peaceful divorce from the North is awaiting South Sudanese in July is a long lasting legacy of that rare unity among Southern Sudanese.

Had one group or political party bulged and stabbed the people’s aspiration at the back, the whole process would have gone up in smoke just as did the Addis Ababa Accord whose revocation owed much to the acrimonious relationship between various contending ideologies.

Having stood our ground as one assemblage united for a common cause and secured the accomplishment of our vision, it is now crucial for all parties to see the realization of our future, our destiny in the nursing, harnessing and bolstering of democratic institutions embody in the principles of multi-partyism. An all-inclusive government in an immature democracy would be practically the same as to an official embracement of a de facto one party dictatorship.

Obviously, the opportunist opposition leaders, whose parties are nothing more than briefcases, would welcome and applaud this decisive development since it would present them with employment opportunities to provide for themselves and their families. And with little added vintage point of being in a government which is not known as a paragon of incorruptibility, wealth would undeniably flow like river Nile into their offshore bank accounts; much in the same established tradition of their 7-year-old counterparts in the GoSS.

With this moneyed-geared contract in place, it would be safe to say that short term benefit in form of social and political stability, as Hon. Pagan Amum stated, might be attained. But how long this marriages of convenience would last among the ruling elites is debatable and the consequences of its eventual disintegration would be dire.

For one, the reasons advanced by Hon. Pagan Amum, the SPLM Secretary-General and the GoSS minister for Peace and CPA implementation, do not add up nor stand the scrutiny of reasonable argument. Hon. Amum argue that having a broad-based transitional government in the post independence period would serve two main purpose. One, it would “ensure inclusive governance and [political] stability.” And two, it would promote an emergency of a new “multiparty democratic nation in the world” in the form of the new nation to be.

Yet, a “new emerging multi-party democratic nation in the world” does not require a broad based government as a prerequisite for democracy. What it urgently need is a watchful eyes of a strong and vibrant opposition party/parties. These opposition parties, acting as key pillars of democratic society, would supervise the government: acting as alternative ruling party by advancing better alternative policies and, as oversight body, serve to ensure that government policies and actions are in the best interest of the citizens that they serve.

Though there would be short term benefit, the proposed formation of an all-inclusive transitional government in the post independence period would, however, abort the growth and maturation of democracy in the young country. This is because, in the long run, it would set a bad precedence in which elites would turn the government of the people into a compromised club of political parties some of which exist only on paper as bargaining chip for cabinet portfolios. A broad-based government would kill opposition parties and thus undermine the cultivation and flourishing of democratic institutions.

In addition, a mindset of a coalition government would implant itself among the citizenship as well as among the ruling class. In the event of any disputed election in the future, the consensus would be to have a coalition government to accommodate and appease all contending parties. This would perpetuate itself forever as contesting of election results, rather than winning elections, would become the norms and the path toward positions in government or cabinet membership.

Such sort of an environment would not be conducive one for democracy because a real democratic country require the present and the active participation of a vibrant opposition party/parties. Instead, future South Sudan would be compelled to adopt the current system of government as arranged in Kenya, Zimbabwe and soon-to-be in Ivory Coast.

In fact, the proposed all-inclusive interim government would preclude the blossoming of any budding opposition parties that would be vital for the working and the maintainability of a democratic government. The indispensability of the considerable contributions of the opposition parties in a democratic society and to the running of the government of the day can’t be overstated nor live without.

Moreover, an inclusive transitional government in South Sudan, while promoting stability in the short-term, would sow the seed of instability in the long run. The old adage of “power corrupt” expresses it better than anything else I can conjure up. Once these leaders, whether from opposition parties or current ministers in the government, test the addictive trappings of power, it would be too hard for any of them to contemplate the life of a backbencher.

It would naturally follow that these leaders, in their greedy quest for more power and wealth that come with ministerial jobs, would sell out their principles and values at the altar of power so as to remain in the government. This would destabilize any meaningful formation and growth of real opposition party in the country without which the country would degenerate into either elitism rule or authoritarianism.

Therefore; for the sake of democratic transformation; for the grooming of future strong opposition parties; and for the sake of long term stability, this proposed formation of a broad-based interim government that would not augur well for the institutionalization of democracy in the new country should be shunned by all concerned parties and citizens of South Sudan. Cultivation of a strong and vibrant opposition parties should take precedent and surpass any short-term windfalls that may come with an all-inclusive interim government in the post independence period.

A broad-based government would tantamount to a silent killing of any opposition to government’s abuses of public offices, corruptions and poor governance since it would be unthinkable that the government, compose as it would be of all parties, would be willing and able to supervised itself as much as an opposition party would be count on to dispense its constitutional duties.

Mr. PaanLuel Wël can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it or through his blog: http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com/


Market in Yambio, South Sudan. Southern Sudan is underdeveloped due to decades of deadly civil war. Photo: Reuters

By PaanLuel Wël (Washington DC, USA)

“Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it—or to put it differently—those who can’t/don’t learn from history are doom to repeat it” by George Santayana.

January 31, 2011 (SSNA) — Across Africa in early 1960s, as it is these days in South Sudan, there was a great euphoria in the air as several former colonies of the Western Imperialism were on the verge of or had already achieved their hard-fought and long-dreamt liberty. Having lived through and bitterly fought the shackle of colonization, there was little doubt in their minds that the dawn of the new era would not only bring political freedom but would also result in the fulfillment their long-denied economic freedom and social prosperity hitherto unseen on the African continent.

The victorious accomplishment, and the ultimate envisaged future, was famously portrayed along the line of the Biblical arrival of the ancient Israelites in the Promised Land, following with milk and honey. And to some few visionary freedom fighters like Kwame Nkrumah, the Africans Project—the destiny of their struggles—was nothing short of emulating the founding fathers of the United States of America by proposing to found the United State of Africa that would be strong enough—politically, economically and socially—to keep at bay any future threat from neo-colonizers.

As these newly liberated citizens of African countries were reveling in the midst of their pristine self-determination, just as Southern Sudanese are presently savoring the favorable outcome of a triumphant referendum vote destined to bring about a new country; lurking at the back, however, were a bigger but subtle quandary impedingly awaiting to strike.

These cancerous incarnations of colonialism obliviously unveiled themselves in various forms: bad governance, rampant corruption coupled with dictatorship; tribalism and ethnicity; grinding poverty, debilitating diseases and deplorable health conditions; dilapidated public infrastructure and pitiable underdevelopment. And as if to add salt into the injury, the remnants of dying African Civilization were abandoned in the hustle and bustle to embrace alien gods and religions—Christianity and Islam—that culminate in the institutionalization of neo-colonialism on the African continent that remain to these days.

Although the African people were successfully liberated from the draconian manacles of colonialism and formal exploitation from the West, the telling inevitable consequences for Africa, brought about by these new Africa predicaments, judging from the perspective of today ailments wherein Africa is synonymous for untold misery, persistent diseases, chronic hunger and all the disfigurement of this world, was much more than anything imagined by those citizens who were out celebrating the end of colonization.

Unfortunately, in the classic characteristics of most African leaders of that era, of whose those defective genes were faithfully passed down and wholly inherited by the present day leaders, rather than manning up to the crisis and provide plausible and practical resolutions to their failings, they started shopping for scapegoats. Fortunately for the leaders, but devastatingly for the African people and the African continent, those perfect scapegoats were found in the slogans of slavery, colonialism and neo-colonialism.

Characteristically, all problems bedeviling the African countries were explained away and dismissed as mere, but inevitable, ramifications of the combined legacies of slavery, colonization and neo-colonialism. The resounding and immediate response taken was the overwhelming adoption and consolidation of power under dictatorial regimes sustained through tribal politicking.

No one even bothered to acknowledge the present of and the responsibility to tackle the incessant problem of poverty that was largely caused by factors generated by appalling leaderships and terrible policies that resulted in the misallocation of scarce resources and rampant corruption leading to widespread unemployment, inaccessibility to basic education and credit facilities for trade and investment, deprived health care facilities and poor farm policy, war and armed conflict etc.

But was it the case that the African leaders of the newly independent countries were utterly helpless in the midst of situations brought about by factors beyond their control—those instigated and imposed on them by outsiders? I think it was not and here is the refutation. The Asian Tigers—China, Japan, South Korea, Thailand, Taiwan, Singapore—that are the envy of the world today due to the spectacular successes of their respective economies’ blue-prints, were once, in one way or another, subjected to the same fangs of colonialism and imperialism before they fully regained their bona fide independences from the West.

Economists estimate that some African countries, Kenya for instance, were more or less economically developed than South Korea or Taiwan in the 1960s. Today, these nations, who were once like the newly independents Africans countries of the 1960s, have caught up with the so called First World countries. How and why they did succeed in spite of their colonial history and insidious neo-colonization during the cold war era is the solemn reminder to most concerned sons and daughters of Africa that the ball is in their court.

Still, the most glaring contradiction about the adverse effect of colonization on African continent is the ironic fact that the last country to shed itself of Western colonization and imperialism—South Africa—epitomizes today the hopes, the aspirations and the leaderships of all African people both within Africa and on the international stage. How on Earth could that be if indeed colonization explains the apparent backwardness of the African continent? Shouldn’t Ghana, the first to attain and harvest the fruit of freedom, have taken the lead, and naturally assumed the leadership South Africa occupies today?

Though it would be outlandish to deny the heinous legacies of slavery, colonialism and neo-colonization that, respectively, deprived Africa of its young, energetic productive labor force, depleted African natural resources and still maintain and perpetuate puppet governments in Africa with the sole aim of securing and safeguarding the interests of former colonial masters on the continent; still, the bulk of the tribulations bankrupting Africa of noble ideas to solve and rid itself of all plights it faces squarely lies at the door of the African people themselves. Seen from within, whether those problems lie with the leadership or the general populace, among whom leaders emanate from, is another debate itself.

Be that as it is, assumed that you concur with my assessment to some extent, what lessons, if any, can the new country to be, The Republic of South Sudan, glean and learn from these seemingly total mess and unfortunate package of misfortunes and contradictions? In other words, does the African’s post colonial period of the 1960’s perfectly capture and mirror the current situation in South Sudan? Whether or not, I still do believe there are plenty of lessons, bad or/and good, that South Sudan can collate and take note of from the dispositional conducts, failures and successes (if any) of the then newly independent African countries as it transition, just like her counterparts of the 1960s and 70s, from dominations and repressions into independence and self-determination.

These lessons, the bulk of which consist of the DOs and the DON’Ts, by providing a flashback to the trodden past, would act as a guiding post to the present sticky situations South Sudanese would, in no time, find themselves in. It would also be a glimmering gleam into the kind of future the presently constituted political and economic policies of the Government of South Sudan would take her citizen into. Phrase differently, it would assist South Sudanese and their leaders to avoid the mishaps and blunders, but emulate the successes, of the former colonies of Western imperialism as they, in the 1960s and 70s, maneuvered their ways into then uncharted territory and uncertain future.

Among numerous others, here are the few notable lessons that South Sudanese leaders must take note of:

From the outset, the governments of the newly independent Republic of South Sudan must avoid being mired down, afflicted and bedridden by combined forces of grand corruption, bad governance and dictatorialness that never recognize nor tolerate, but actually betray, the very democratic principles they had championed during the liberation struggles spearheaded by the SPLM/A.

Were these evils to take root and flourish, corrupt government officials would embezzle, misallocate, mismanage, and pocket government funds and other resources meant for national development. Thus, South Sudan would undoubtedly end up with ruling political leaders, government officials and their political cronyists enriching themselves at the expenses of the mass, subdued and impoverished populations.

Furthermore, the court system, instead of upholding the law and spearheading the fight for justice, would become a government’s branch of and a tool to perpetuate corruption and bad governance by shielding corrupt officials. And as staged and bogus elections would be part and parcel of the political gimmickry, the judiciary would also be used to settle political scores with opponents who challenge the hegemony in power.

Consequently, this officialization of mass corruption, poor governance and dictatorship would lead to few influential and powerful individuals oppressing the majority poor. Thus, it would creates an imbalance in South Sudanese society, leading to poverty, diseases and hungry populace that, out of pent-up grievances, would inevitably end up causing civil unrests and armed conflicts across the country.

If civil wars and armed conflicts were to occur, God forbids, it would scare away potential investors—within and outside the country, significantly disrupting economics activities, and rendering warzones economically unproductive and unlivable. This would further increase social and political miseries, leading to more conflicts and poverty. The end result, for the ruling elites, would be the increases in the national headache as a result of the tumultuousness their policies, actions and rulings. Call it the Somalization of the country!

Feeling threatened in their newfound paradise but yet unwilling to give up their crookedness, the leaders of the newly independently South Sudan, just as their African counterparts had done in the past, would dig up the old draconian policy of divide and rule perfected and used against them by their former colonial masters (Europeans and Arabs) to fight, conquer and rule African societies during colonization. Naturally, Africans are made of various tribal groups; some of which have acrimonious past owing to fights picked up over grazing land feuds, cattle rustlings and tribal raiding.

Once exploited by the Europeans and the Arabs to divide and rule Africans, the ruling elites in the South Sudan, should they choose impunity as has been done by almost all African leaders, would dust up and entrench the politic of tribalism and ethnicity which would become the springboard for the ruling class to attain, promote and maintain their political survivals. In the words of one African commentator, by abusing African ethnocultural diversity “the oligarchy [would] exploit the notion of ethnicity to retain political power and the status quo. This [would be] effected by leaders of dominant ethnic groups exploiting their members’ lineage of their kinds, for their own selfish interests. In this state, ethnicity is essential for political advancement of the few, to the domination and deprivation of the many.”

The consequences of these official thieveries, bad governances, totalitarianisms, social unrests and armed conflicts, assume our leaders embrace the disastrous footstep of former African leaders, would be immediate and upsetting on the populations of this young country of ours. First would be the absence of any meaningful development within the country, even after several years after gaining independence from Northern oppression. Corruption, poor governance and overwhelming civil wars, the consequences of awful leadership, would sap national resources. Therefore, South Sudan would be dispossessed of vital drivers of economics engines and prosperity.

As a result, the country would end up with shambled industries, poor roads and railways systems, pathetic sanitation and water facilities. Schools and health centers would be underfunded and underdeveloped. Still, should we be lucky enough to evade national turmoil of civil wars, these basic rights the citizens are deprived of would become indispensable political tools use during bogus elections seasons marred by tribal politicking.

Through corruption and abhorrent governance, politicians would master the art of lip-service in which they would passionately argue and convincingly urge the poor impoverished citizens to vote for them in return for serviceable roads and railways system, clean water and better social amenities, reliable electricity and telecommunication systems, better schools and health care systems etc.

Whereas the constitution would guarantee and accord these basic rights to the citizens, not only would they be disinherited of them; the services would be shamelessly employed as political tools to entice and purchase their votes. And in order for easy long-term manipulations and subjugations, most people would be kept impoverished, illiterate, uninformed, untraveled, clueless, divided and tribalized. Perfected by the Europeans and inherited and harshly used on our people by the Arabs, future leaders of South Sudan, should they decide to go rogue, won’t have hard time figuring out these technique of suppression and coercion.

The proliferation of grinding poverty across the country would be other further dire consequences of afflictions perpetuated by the ruling class of the newly independent country. To successfully end poverty, South Sudan state would require the services of strong institutions, equitable distribution of national resources and an incorruptible government. However, because of corruptions and cronyism, the gap between the rich and the poor would grow wider and wider as the few rich become richer and the numerous poor become poorer and poorer. The disgraceful health care system would mean that there would be acute shortages of family planning units in many rural areas.

As population blossom, with little or no resources to support these running away population growths, many would be left to fend for themselves on the streets of many major urban centers such as Juba, Wau, Malakal, Bor, Torit, etc leading to big slums and street children. Gangs, drug abuses, prostitutions and other illicit trades would spring up. And since large parts of South Sudan still rely on outdated traditional tools and archaic methods of subsistence farming, under-utilization of national land across the country would undermine and limit the amount of food available for both domestic consumptions and export. Frequent droughts and seasonal flooding due to changing, unpredictable weather pattern would usually lead to poor yielding and skyrocketing food prices. Hence, poverty would reign prominently and kill abundantly!

Additionally, because of malnutrition and dearth of better equipped health care facilities, diseases such as Malaria, HIV/AIDS and TB would spread and maimed many people. Fuel by poor lifestyle largely based on traditional beliefs and norms, these maladies would deprive families of breadwinners and the national economy of young productive workforce. The resultant spikes in death would leave families in abject poverty, with no schooling for the orphans.

Emotional and psychology losses, worsened by the insufficiency of food, would cause more deterioration in health of the remaining family members. National resources would be diverted for treatments, and since diseased citizen are unproductive economically while at the same time draining the resources, economic growth and development would stall. As per capita income decline, poverty set in and the standard of living worsens, leading to uprisings as we are currently witnessing in Tunisia and Egypt.

Is there a way forward (not a way out of this mess since, luckily, we are yet to get entangle in it)? Yes, there is! First we must learn from history by being avid student of its secrets—ugly or marvelous ones! There are two quintessential lessons to note well here: what to avoid and what to emulate.

Prevention is better than cure! As speculatively expounded on above, all infirmities and detriments brought about by corruptions, bad governance and tribalism, among others, must be avoided like leprosy. Secondly, successes, whether from African countries—South Africa, Tanzania, Rwanda, Botswana etc; from the Asian Tigers—Singapore, South Korea, China, Japan etc or even from our former colonial masters—the West, must be diligently sought out and emulated. No nation is an island. All recorded successes in history were built on available knowledge and technologies before they were expanded and innovated on.

However, this task calls for visionary and ideologically motivated leadership lest it would just be but a mere wishful thinking. Lack of political, social or economic ideology among the ruling elites that guide and direct their policies would mean that they would stand for nothing and can therefore fall for anything: shorted sightedness, self-delusion and political expediency. Politically, the government of South Sudan must guarantee the protection and promotion of basic rights—freedom of speech, personal liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

Economically, a well thought out, meaningful balance must be struck between social and economic equality, on the one hand, and free market economy, on the other hand, in which the gap between the few rich and the majority poor is not outrageous. The ills of corruption and dictatorship inhibit economic and political freedom. And when the channel of expression is block, people’s imagination, abilities, talents, and creativeness are forfeited and the marvelous inventions that propel and keep the West on the center of world power are tragically foregone and sacrificed on the altars of egos of few selfish and visionless leaders intoxicated in the poisonous and addictive perfumed of power and self indulgency.

Moreover, as far as outward opportunities are concern, the newly free South Sudan, by adopting effective economic ideology, must make use of the ample labor force, subsidies and appropriate tax incentives, export promotions, increased free access to all land, and the use of tariffs to stimulate the growth of industries. It should also, as one African commentator captured it so well, effectively utilized her cheap labor force as a competitive advantage, focusing on industries or niche markets in which they can excel and as a result increase their exports to the developed world, thereby generating much needed foreign exchange with which to purchase imports and other essential not produced within the country.

With unselfish and patriotic leaders in power whose sole goal are not only to rule, plunder and intellectually oppressed the people, South Sudan will definitely make it into the bright future envisaged by the freedom fighters and the general laypeople celebrating the triumphant voting process and the release of the preliminary results of the referendum today which show that over 99%, across South Sudan, are in favor of secession.

As a final end-note, this call is especially so compelling and urgent not least because, as George Santayana, a Spanish born American philosopher, once quipped, “Only those who don’t learn from history are doom to repeat it.” I think, as highly inconceivable as it may sound to you, that it is self evident and certain that we are not doom not to remember and learn from history, are we? You bet!

Mr. PaanLuel Wël can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it or through his blog: http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com/


Omar Hassan al-Bashir. Photo: AP/Getty Images

By PaanLuel Wël (Washington DC, USA)

“Let the referendum process proceed with God’s good graces as well as our commitment which we now reiterate to the scheduled date and to accept the outcome resulting from the desire and choice of the citizens”—President Omar El Beshir.

January 11, 2011 (SSNA) — Within and outside Southern Sudan, as well as in the North, the first day of the Referendum exercise, which is slated to last about a week, has gone and passed peaceably. More optimism, than anything recorded before, is all over the country, in the air, like the snow of the long winters of the Icelanders.

It is not longer if, not even when, South Sudan will get freedom from the North; rather, it is an inescapable deduction, with celebration being mooted for the final day when the concluding results, expectedly hovering around 97%-99.9%, would simply confirm the ultimate culmination of the protracted perilous stride to freedom.

Anyone who has been profoundly following the struggle and the push to have this plebiscite conducted timely and fairly would, however, recalls that it has never been as rosy as it is today. Optimism was dented, though never smothered, by the overwhelming sense of uncertainty in the face of unrelenting National Congress Party’s malicious manipulations of the CPA’s smooth and opportune ratification.

The NCP’s concerted onslaught on the CPA, and by extension on Southerners, was led by, among others, President Omar El Beshir. First, it was the thwarting of the SPLM over the constitution of the post-CPA government—the GoS, where the NCP took a lion share of the fat portfolios of the cabinet. Secondly, the broad-spectrum national census was biasedly conducted to deliberately disadvantage the South in the distribution of the national resources which are allocated in direct proportion to the inhabitants of the regions.

The same road-blocking tactics were employed during the formation of the South Sudan Referendum Committee that almost stillborn the organization before it becomes operational. This is in addition to the unsettled issues over Abyei, the boundary delineations, the question of citizenship, allotment of national resources and debts, and other relatable provisions that need to be addressed to circumvent any would-be flare up of vicious clashes between the two future independent countries destined to live, in peace, side by side.

Infamously considered as the champion of Southerners’ subjugations, President El Beshir has, of late, astounded many people, this author included, by making a huge about-face on the Southern Secession. Though he has oscillated frequently between mumbling unreasonable vitriol and articulating occasional assurances of respecting Southerners’ aspiration during the referendum exercise, it was not until his recent visitation to Juba, the main Southern city, on January 4th, 2011, that it finally dawned on most observers that El Beshir is no longer playing his typical game of hide and seek with the Southern populace.

But why did President El Beshir had a hasty change of mind over his long held position of detaining the South in bondage? Several dynamics would elucidate this enigma. On top of the list, is the tangible peril of renewed war between the SPLA and the SAF in the event of the breach and termination of the CPA.

Having been bogged down, since the signing and promulgation of the CPA, by the Darfur’s war which has scandalously placed Sudan on international radar and El Beshir on the most wanted list of the ICC, the NCP carefully weighed their available options and easily figured out that the last scenario they want is another fresh warfront in the South.

This is principally the case with other warfronts seething and impending in the East, Nuba Mountain and Blue Nile, all of which won’t be neutral should the Khartoum-based administration pronounce war on the SPLA. With the menace of NCP’s war machine cornered and neutralized, El Beshir had no choice but to give in and endorse the Southerners’ voice. Moreover, bearing in mind that the NCP single-handedly and stubbornly staffed the South Sudan Referendum Committee with their apologists, the NCP discovered, much to their dismay, that the likelihoods of rigging the plebiscite by giving it the impression of “people rightful wishes” are absolutely nil.

Even the “catch” of mandatory 60% of the registered voters turnout was rendered obsolete by the fact that majority of the registered voters are all within the precincts of the South under the dominion of the SPLM/A. Hence, they can’t be tempered with. With the confirmed registered numbers in the North in their uttermost insignificance, it is no longer logically possible for the NCP to continually rely on the 60% benchmark to advance their subversions of the on-going process.

Consequently, El Beshir made a sudden change of heart and become a champion, not of Southern Oppression as historically the case, but as an advocate of Southern Separation, to an extend of invoking Allah’s will. Ironically, it is the very Allah that has been the motivation, the fuel and the justification of and for South Sudan deep-rooted discrimination by the North.

International elements performed critical starring role here too. China, Russia, the EU and many neighboring countries in Africa took an impartial position and call for a free and fair conduct and conclusion of the referendum. The USA in particular, under President Obama, since September of last year, had, like President El Beshir, made another important about-turn in their policies of flattering El Beshir.

The Obama’s administration inaugurated direct confrontation with El Beshir’s government by explicitly making the successful conduct of the Southern Referendum a requisite for the resumption and attainment of good relationship between the USA and the Sudanese government.

But it was not only the USA government that made importance difference on the ground; private American citizens did their part too. George Clooney, one of the preeminent actors of Hollywood and a co-founder of Not on Our Watch, and his counterpart, John Prendergast, the co-founder of the Enough Project, joined hands to successfully launch an entirely new system of robust open air surveillance diplomacy. This system is aimed at denying the culprits and violators of international norms a chance of committing atrocities in the dark and later denies them in the open when call to account for their heinous actions.

Conscious of the fact that any renewal of the war would first burst forth at the borders between the South and the North, Clooney and Prendergast place satellites on the border regions to pick up any apprehensive signs such as that of troops movements, clashes, or all-out-scale hostilities launch on the South from the North. Whereas the world only witnessed the ashes of the Darfur Crisis, months after all killings, raping and destructions had been committed, George Clooney and John Prendergast envisaged and implemented a situation where future genocide would be witness live on the ground as they occur to deny the perpetrators any chance of hiding their atrocious foot tracks.

In my judgment, the last tribute goes to President Salva Kiir for playing it “cool” in the face of belligerent El Beshir. President Kiir’s solemn approach of persistence and tested imperturbability not only outlast El Beshir’s combativeness but also afford him little pretext to declare war, to disrupt and to disavow the CPA, thus, killing the referendum dream prematurely. Although not a gifted orator like his predecessor, the late Dr. John Garang, President Kiir make up for oratory by the amount of endurance he has strikingly display and make the most of in the last six years since his ascension onto the helm of power.

Of course, it is debatable to proclaim that the tranquility of the voting process would be replicated later on during the totaling and subsequent pronouncement of the plebiscite’s absolute outcomes. Some would dispute, fervently, that El Beshir has a secret weapon in place, and all that he is, and has been, exhibiting is a façade. Others would contend that the main barrage of the NCP’s muscle is reserved for the inevitable conflict over the unresolved issues of Abyei, border demarcation, sharing of national wealth, among others.

My response would be that there is no question that El Beshir has broken a taboo in the North for his openly and heavenly backing of the Southern Cause. Historically, it is uncharacteristic of the Northern official to parade such overtures even if for a cover up. It is an open solicitation for a fatwa. That El Beshir has not of yet receives any fatwa nor got killed speak volume of the magnitude of the Northerners’ resignation to Southerners’ aspiration under the intense pressure from the irked international community.

Whether or not the remaining issues to be determined would spiral into Ethiopian-Eritrean style of border clashes would remain to be seen with time. In the intervening time, the government of El Beshir has been compelled, for the second time in a row, first being the ratification of the CPA that pledges the referendum clause, to accept the actualization of the concluding part of the CPA document. To me, that is a ground for festivity in itself!

Mr PaanLuel Wël can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it or through his blog: http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com/


Photo: pisqa.com/Getty Images

By PaanLuel Wel (Washington DC, USA)

Quote: You can’t judge a book by its cover

November 21, 2010 (SSNA) — The neutrality of the International Organization for Migration (IOM)—the migration agency, is being seriously challenged by Southern Sudanese living in the Diaspora. Potential registrants thinking of going to the designated registration centers have been instigated to eschew the registration process altogether.

The strategy, the advocates maintain, is to deny the NCP a chance to manipulate their votes and eventually rig the referendum exercise. This is mainly because there is deep concern that the IOM officials, many of whom might fall for Khartoum’s cash, are not impartial and therefore could be susceptible to Khartoum manipulations through bribery and coercions.

Consequently, numerous calls of boycotts of the registration exercise have been issued in many parts of the globe. In Africa, many neighboring countries that house sizable Southern Sudanese population—Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia and Egypt, to mention but just a few—have received sustained implorations to better abstain themselves from the registration process. Similar appeals have been heard in North America—the USA and Canada, in Europe, in Australia and in New Zealand.

But why exactly is IOM’s neutrality being called into question by Southerners? The prevailing reason appear to be a misplaced conviction, among many Southerners, both within and outside the country, that the IOM was single-backhandedly picked by the NCP, the Egyptian government and the Arab league as a grand conspiracy to manipulate the registration process and ultimately rig the referendum exercise.

According to this school of thought, the SPLM, the GoSS and Southern Sudanese were not involved in the invitation of the IOM to conduct the registration process. That there has never been any official rejection of the IOM involvement in the registration process, or complaints as usually the case from Juba, has done nothing to quench the anger among these suspicious registrants of the Southern Sudanese diasporans’ communities.

In this paper, I am going to ponder over the following questions: What kind of organization is IOM and what credible history, if any, does it boast of to earn the trust and the mandate to conduct the Diasporans’ registration process? Why was the IOM chosen over other probable organizations and whether or not the IOM is, or might be, an impartial arbiter in this historic process.

As a former employee of this organization, I think I might be in a better position to shed light on its background. To demystify the IOM, I would briefly state that the International Organization for Migration, established in 1951, was first known as “the Provisional Intergovernmental Committee for the Movement of Migrants from Europe (PICMME)” It was born “out of the chaos and displacement of Western Europe following the Second World War” where it was “mandated to help European governments to identify resettlement countries for the estimated 11 million people uprooted by the war.” As a result, following the end of World War Two, the IOM successfully “arranged transport for nearly a million migrants during the 1950s.”

Today in the 21st century, however, the IOM has graduated into “the leading inter-governmental organization in the field of migration and works closely with governmental, intergovernmental and non-governmental partners.” It has about 127 member states and operate in over 100 countries across the globe where it helps to “ensure the orderly and humane management of migration, to promote international cooperation on migration issues, to assist in the search for practical solutions to migration problems and to provide humanitarian assistance to migrants in need, including refugees and internally displaced people.”

Having shone little light on the kind of organization the IOM is and its global mission since its inception, let me now hypothesize on why the IOM was chosen to carry out the process. The main reason I can conjure up, one that touch almost every part of Southern Sudan, is the humanitarian assistance offered by the IOM to the “Lost Boys and Girls” of the Sudan from 2001 to 2006 in Kakuma, Kenya.

That historic migration and resettlement of the Sudanese refugees mainly in the USA, but also in many other first world countries, might not have been easy, or even possible, without the strong facilitation of the IOM. Furthermore, it was the IOM that formulated and coordinated the repatriation process of the Sudanese refugees from neighboring countries when the war ended—the CPA was signed and promulgated.

There was no better process organized and executed by the IOM than the migration and resettlement process of the so called The Lost Boys and Girls of the Sudan. Notwithstanding that historic execution of the resettlement program, the Southern Sudanese diasporans, most of whom made it through the IOM, are leading the current onslaught on the IOM.

Because the IOM has been involved before in the Sudanese affairs—the lost boys and girls of the Sudan resettlement program and even the repatriation of the Sudanese refuges from neighboring countries after the CPA’s promulgation—it is highly likely that both the NCP and the SPLM found no reason(s) not to solicit its help with the diasporan’s registration exercises.

The second persuasive explanation for IOM’s involvement might be about the potential cost of conducting voters’ registration in the diasporas; both to the SPLM and the NCP. It is arguable that the logistic and operational costs of the process are both challenging and costly. Secondly, it is enlightening to remember that much of the referendum exercise funding come, neither from the government of Sudan’s coffers nor from Southern Government, but from the International Community. As the saying goes, whoever has the keys to the repository has the final say on pertinent matters.

Therefore, it could be the case that both the NCP and the SPLM had no say in the choosing of the IOM in that it was decided by the donors. Therefore, the SPLM and the NCP, being of no resources of their own, and most significantly, having no qualm against the IOM, decided to play along, not least, to smoothen out the process and to save both valuable time and resources.

The most important reason, nonetheless, is that this is not the first time the international organization is helping with the conduct of referendum. Many countries have conducted fairly credible referendum exercises before and achieved independence under the guidance and assistance of the international organizations.

First and foremost, East Timor’s referendum, for instance, was successfully conducted in August, 1999. The referendum exercise was organized and monitored by the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET). Of the registered voters, 21% voted to accept unity while 78.5% voted for separation. The turnout was estimated to be around 95%.

Secondly, Eritrea referendum took place in April 1993. It was organized and monitored by the United Nations Observer Mission for the Eritrean Referendum (UNOVER). Again, it was a fantastic success. Of the registered voters, less than 1% voted for unity with Ethiopia while 98.1% voted to reject the proposed unity. The turnout was approximately 95%. It was the same case scenario in the Balkan too where the process was co-managed by both the EU and the UN agencies.

If you are still wondering about the credibility and the effectiveness of the IOM, then picture this: the IOM has a budget of over one billion US dollars in 2009 alone. The IOM has stupendous track records when it comes to its effectiveness too.

In addition to the refugees resettlement programs it specialize in, the Lost Boys and Girls of the Sudan program, the repatriation of the Sudanese refugees in the wake of the CPA, for example; it has satisfyingly tackled “man-made and natural disasters of the past half century – Hungary 1956, Czechoslovakia 1968, Chile 1973, the Vietnamese Boat People 1975, Kuwait 1990, Kosovo and Timor 1999, and the Asian tsunami and Pakistan earthquake of 2004/2005, and the devastating 2010 Haitian Earthquake.”

This is an insurmountable feat that could only be undertaken by the United Nation agencies. That the IOM accomplished it speaks volume of their outstanding track records.

If indeed what I am espousing is anything but the truth, then we Southerners have nothing much to fear from the IOM’s engagement in the registration exercise and even later in the referendum process itself in January 9th, 2011. There are high possibilities that the reasons why IOM is conducting this process rather than the South Sudan Referendum Commission might still compel their ultimate involvement in the referendum process earlier next year.

Therefore, as we might be better off being on our guard against some rogue, money-hungry elements within, or contracted by, the IOM who might fall victim to the NCP’s coordinated machinery of manipulations, we should, and must, at the same time, stay clear of lump-sum blame-gaming of the IOM as an organization. It is one thing to pick and maintain our perennial squabbling with Khartoum, Cairo or the Arab league; but it is quite another to pick quarrel with an international organization with blameless history we can point to.

Let’s not succumb to paranoia at the last minute before the final whistle. All-out groundless accusations against those western-based, international NGO’s such as the IOM tantamount to the implication that the EU and the USA are, and could be, manipulated by the NCP. That is a gratuitous insult to the European and the American governments, whose friendship, by all means, we should court and cultivate.

Moreover, for our own sake, let’s not inflate the powers and the global reach of the NCP lest we might not have the courage and the faith to confront them on the battlefield should another war break out.

Mr. PaanLuel Wel, a former employee of the IOM, worked with the IOM in Kenya as an interpreter and a translator during the resettlement program of the Lost Boys and Girls of the Sudan. He can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it or through his blog: http://paanluel201

The Flaws of Democratic System of Government

Posted: March 3, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in PaanLuel Wël

Courtesy of newsrealblog.com

By PaanLuel Wel (Washington DC, USA)

John Adams:  “Remember, democracy never lasts long.  It soon wastes, exhausts and murders itself.  There was never a democracy yet that did not commit suicide.”

November 1, 2010 (SSNA) — The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the subsequent demised of the Soviet Union marked the height of democratic triumphalism in the history of modern time. Though principles underpinning democratic government have been around since the time of the ancient Greeks, it was only the emergence of the modern day nation state system of government that democracy finally took roots and flourished.

Currently, nearly three quarter of the world nation states profess some forms of democratic government ranging from the Western liberal democracy to the semi-quasi democratic ones in the developing countries. Not only that, even authoritarian’s countries such as China or Iran regard themselves as adherents of democratic government.

Democracy has many critics, both in the past as well as today. While it proponents such as Abraham Lincoln see, in democracy, a government of the people by the people and for the people, critics in the like of Thomas Jefferson only perceive democracy as a tyranny of the majority—nothing more than an angry mob, where fifty-one percent of the people may take away the rights of the other forty-nine. This view is also reflected in the words of Sir Winston Churchill who once quipped that democracy is the worst form of government except for all the rest.

Even in the ancient Greece, the cradle of democracy, or the mighty Roman Empire where the concept of republicanism was born, many acclaimed philosophers —Plato, Niccolo Machiavelli or Thomas Hobbes were very critical of the many inherent flaws within the democratic system of governance. This is mainly because the fundamental principles of democracy—unlimited liberty and freedom for all—often make democracy prone to degenerate into anarchy and lawlessness which is detrimental to the very existence of the entire society.

In spite of the success and popularity of democratic system of government around the world in our modern time, democracy is  still  susceptible to the manipulation of unruly politicians and political leaders who are ill-bent to use democracy as a cover to create disorder and chaos in the society. It is certainly the case for those with hidden agenda,  ruthless pursuit of power and wealth,  which often time run contrary to the tenets of the democratic government.

According to the ancient Greek philosopher, Plato, the very success of democracy—the celebration of unchecked freedom —spell the death of democracy itself. Factions baying for power would arise within the democratic government. And because these factions only see democracy as a tool to be used to ascend into power, their squabbling and abuse of democratic principles create chaos and disorder in the system.

The abuse of democracy is exacerbated by the fact that the core principles of democracy are susceptible to the influence of rogue elements. Consequently, the country becomes ungovernable due to the unruly behaviors of the various power-hungry politicians jostling for power. Eventually, the citizens charge with maintain democracy through electoral process began to lose control of the country as wealth and factional fighting become the determinants of the public lives. Voters apathy set in and the system become dysfunctional.

Democracy eventually degenerate into anarchy and lawlessness as unscrupulous political leaders take charge of the country and start purging the voice of dissent from within. Therefore the opponents of democratic system of governance such as the Chinese Communist party oppose democracy because the principle of unrestrained freedom and liberty breed chaos and anarchy which ultimate undermine and short-circuit smooth economic growth in the long run.

Whereas Plato disparaged democracy for its susceptibility to chaos and disorder, Niccolo Machiavelli, on the other hand, criticized democracy for its weaknesses as a system to gaining and maintaining power. In the Prince,  Machiavelli went out to explain how a prince can acquire, control and maximize his power over rivals. Democracy, on the other hand, is the rule of the majority. Though a prince can utilize democracy as a mean to gain power, it becomes a source of anarchy and lawlessness once the prince is in power.

Since politics, in Machiavelli view, is just but the means by which prince impose his will on the people, the liberty and freedom prized in democratic government would be an encumbrance to the acquisition and maintenance of power by the prince.  If anything, democracy would plant the seed of instability and discord. This is the philosophy mostly adopted by the authoritarian regimes across Africa. Little wonder that President Salva Kiir of Southern Sudan was reportedly studying The Prince by Machiavelli.

Moreover, the fact that Machiavelli overarching concern was the attainment of order and lawfulness in regard to safety make democracy a lesser choice for his project of governance. But that does not mean he was totally against some nuance form of democracy. His championing of a combination of the principles of the principality, aristocracy, and democracy in his other great work, The Discourse, demonstrated that he was not a sworn enemy of democracy.

In fact, his opposition to democracy can be gleaned from the fact that he take human to be more prone to evil than to good and therefore cannot be trusted in politics. His view of human as being self-centered animals stemmed from the fact that he was living in an era of warfare among various principalities in the Italian peninsula.

Hence, the prince preservation of his power, and by extension the principality, was paramount in as much as it create fundamental elements of safety, order and lawfulness. Like the political philosophy of Louis XIV of France—I am the state, Machiavellianism has the leader as the state and the state’s laws are his precepts.

In the footstep of Machiavelli, the English philosopher, Thomas Hobbes, voiced his opposition to democracy on the ground that democracy permit reckless freedom that tend to undermine the preservation of law and order in the community. Hobbes advocated for an enlightened authoritarian government with absolute powers that would be able to exert itself on all in order to bring about peace by punishing law breakers.

Though democracy was never a license to break laws in his views, its unlimited foray of liberties eventually turns out to be the precursor of unlawfulness and chaos. This would turn society to the state of nature where it was a war of all against all.

In The Leviathan, Hobbes argues that because human fear death and desire peace of mind free from daily anxiety, there is a need to seek self preservation by means of social contract. In order to realize that, Hobbes contends, everyone should give up all freedom and rights, those intrinsic components of democracy, to an absolute sovereignty, or an authoritarian government.

In return for giving up their individual rights and freedom, people will be assured of their safety by getting rid of the security problems since the central authority would guarantee their collective security. Therefore, in the opinion of Hobbes, the fundamental principles of democracy—personal liberty and unrestrained expression for rights and freedom—are the source of anarchy in the society.

Hobbes assertions can only be appreciated by understanding his primary assumption. He believes that in the state of nature, everyone was entitled to everything he could land his hand on. In the absence of an authoritative government that is powerful enough to enforce social contract between individuals, justice, law and order would be an illusion since there is no inherent justice in nature that people can refer to and respect. Justice, wrong and good, is all product of the social contract which is only valid as long as it is enforced by a powerful sovereignty.

Thus, according to Hobbes, democracy is but detrimental to the preservation of peace in the society because it breeds discord and take man back to the rule of the jungle where man recently escaped from by seeking sanctuary in absolute government that can enforced social contract rules. To the ears of the Chinese rulers or the Russian oligarch, this is a sweet music that cannot be far from the truth of their world perspective.

In developing countries across Africa  where the competition amongst political parties to win power  could be  severe, political environment is highly volatile and undemocratic.  Thus, democracy becomes a double edge sword in developing  world where there  are no strong rules of law, democratic institutions, and civil societies. Unsurprisingly,  Electoral process has been turned into a  zero-sum game  tribal warfare  where politicians substitute parties for tribes. Regrettably, an otherwise healthy partisan competition is turn into something that is reminiscent of the old tribal  wars of the past.

These supremacy tribal battles have made electioneering  years  synonymous with the traditional warring seasons  among tribes. It is so ingrained in people’s minds that whenever election year approaches, people are naturally prepared for the worse.

The longstanding hate and mistrust among ethnic groups,  Southern  Sudan for example, make democracy a recipe for conflict rather than a solace and refuge for the tormented. This abuse of democratic system has resulted in contested elections that precipitate violence and civil unrest during the last year general election. Instead of promoting peace and development  in the developing world,  democracy  fuels ethnic and tribal divisions since it legitimizes differences as separate political groupings battle it out on tribal or religious grounds.

Worse still, manipulative re-election politicking produces many policies that are not necessarily in the interests of the State or the people these politicians represent or serve. Rather, the policies, if any, are all machiavellistic: tailored toward acquisition and maintenance of power by hooks and crooks. Sacrosanct democratic principles such as the universal suffrage end up being abused than served.

So if democracy was so much a demon not long ago, you might be wondering, how did it become so indispensable in our time? Well, many factors like the Reformation that weaken papal’s powers on Europe, the explosion of scientific enlightenment, and technological advancement propelled the ascension of democracy. Furthermore, many other philosophers, John Locke for example, unlike Plato, Machiavelli or Hobbes, were great advocates of democratic system of government.

The American Revolution, the French Revolution and the American Constitution were immensely influenced by the writing of John Locke, among others. Locke supported democracy because according to him it is the only form of government where individual rights and freedom can be exercised and respected.

Democracy, dissimilarly to other forms of government, prides itself on the fact that the governed control the government. Therefore, the actions of the government are aimed at the fulfillment of the desires and aspirations of the governed majority. Hence, Locke reckons that the political authority and the justification for its existence rest on the voluntary consent of the subjects under it. Thus, the legitimacy of the government is based on this social contract between the governed and the governors, electable by the majority to serve their interests.

Because Locke holds the view that there is justice in the state of nature, unlike Hobbes, he reasons that humans, being moral agents, can agree, though social contract, to the formation of a central government that can advance the protection and preservation of their natural rights. And because such government is a product of a voluntary consent of people whose natural rights would be protected, it is therefore justified and a legitimate government. People would be submitting to it because of the benefits accrue unto them but not out of coercion or enslavement.

However, there is a limit to which the submission must go. For instance, a government that has failed in its duties to discharge justice and good governance as envision by the people would stand dissolves. People have no any more legitimate obligation to obey it since it has failed them by breaching the tenets of social contract. Therefore, people would be obligated to not only withhold their tacit consent but also to advocate for a formation of an altogether different democratic government that would obey and serve them.

Proponents of democracy maintain that because a democratic system of government can renew itself by discarding bad leaders that do not serve the interest of the people, it is much superior to other forms of government advocated by Plato, Hobbes and Machiavelli.

Even though democracy is prone to abuse by unscrupulous politicians as it is apparently now in many part of the world political theaters where election are either sham or bitterly disputed, the people themselves know what is best for them in that, through election, they can still control who get into the office and for what purpose.

Nevertheless, the fatal flaws inherent in a democracy does not mean that we are going to witness the end of it any time soon. It is very hard, in a fully democratic societies, for a leader to overlook, once in office, the campaign promises he made in pursuit of his other hidden agendas. The mechanism of impeachment ensures that getting into the office is not a license to overturn the rule of law.

Though some countries have been overran by groups that first professed democratic principles on campaign trail and later turn out to be an authoritarian’s body, it is highly unlikely to be the case in countries with deep-rooted democratic institutions.

Whereas others might see the very successes of democracy as its eventual cause of its self-destruction, it is also true to argue that the success of democracy create a society where only democratic principles are the cultural norms expected of all political players. It is for this reason that democracy is the main system of government in this 21st century.

Mr PaanLuel Wel, a concerned Sudanese student studying in the United States, can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it or through his blog:  http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com

My Take: The Week That Was

Posted: March 3, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in PaanLuel Wël

Getty Images

By Paan Luel Wel (Washington DC, USA)

“Be the change you want to see in the world”—Mahatma Gandhi

October 18, 2010 (SSNA) — Many interesting happenings have occurred over the past weeks that have caught my attention and today warranted my comments. Although the news-sphere is full to the brim with countless items of news, my picks would be restricted to my taste and specifically to those whose relevance is paramount and specific to our cause and future.

In the episodes below, you will find my commentaries about the recent amnesty offered by President Kiir to the Southern Armed Groups; the bleak future of the Northern Economy in the aftermath of Southern Secession as foretold by none other than the Sudanese Finance and National Economic Minister; the blistering attack on President Obama by his erstwhile friend, the Sudanese Presidential adviser; the deadlock over Abyei that is turning it into the Kashmir of the Sudan, and lastly, on the brighter side, an inspirational tale from Unity State where the regional assembly has approved a commitment to provide funding to their student studying abroad.

Juba Conference:  Southern Transitional Government and Election in 2011

The recent decree by President Kiir pardoning armed rebels groups in an amnesty has provided a rare window of opportunity for Southerners to finally take respite from their internal warring and unite to face the common “real’’ adversary. Consequently, in the past days, we saw the coming of Dr. Lam, the leader of the breakaway SPLM-DC, to Juba to meet with Salva Kiir for the first time since their bitter separation when Dr. Lam formed his own party in 2009 in direct challenge to President Kiir’s leadership.

The amnesty too heralded the return of prodigal sons such as the infamous Gabriel Tangginya widely reported to have been behind deadly fighting in Malakal in the past years. Tangginya’s unexpected switching of loyalty came after the defection of another general, Alison Magaya, who is reported to have been a senior officer in the Sudan Army Force (SAF). Not to be left behind the news, General Athor, and possibly Yau Yau, is said to have contacted VP Dr. Machar about the amnesty and the prospects of his safe return into the government.

All these hustle and bustle culminated in the recent Juba conference that recommended the holding of fresh election and a formation of a transitional government in the immediacy of Southern separation from the North. How the power would be shared within the transitional government remains to be seen though.

This is especially the case when the likelihood of rewarding evil would likely result in the rebellion of many more steadfast, loyal SPLM members who might feel sidelined in the creation of rooms for the prodigal sons and daughters. Should that be the case, then South-South dialogue would tragically be a victim of its own successes which would be, unfortunately, a pathetic situation.

For Salva Kiir to have conceded so much in the quest for a unity of purpose and wills among Southern leaders, he must be convinced that the South would be better off with Southern prodigal sons within the system where they can be monitored than leaving them at the whims of the enemy that can turn them against their own mothers, fathers, brothers, sisters, wives and children.

——in the event of Southern Secession

There would be a great economic turmoil in Northern Sudan in case the South Secede on January 9, 2011. In a recent interview with the London-based Arabic newspaper, Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, Sudan’s finance and national economy minister, Mr Ali Mahmood Abdel-Rasool, darkly warned of the bleak future of Northern Sudan’s economic prospect. Mr Ali called for “tough austerity measures” because the north will definitely lose over 70% of known oil reserves and about 50% of oil revenue in the event of Southern Secession.

For the Southerners, however, there is little to celebrate in the miseries of our Northern nemesis for we are mired down in our own dilemma. Though approximately 75% of Sudan proven reserves of oil is geographically located in the South, pipelines, export terminals and national refineries are all station in the North. If future South Sudan has to mine and export its oil in order to get oil revenue, it has no choice but to deal with the North which offer those facilities with which to mine, transport and export its “gold.”

Another important fact to note about the minister frank admission is that his call came against the backdrop of the recent relentless depreciation of the Sudanese Pound against the US dollar. Known economic rule of the thump have been tried but all seem to be in vain as the Pound continue its unstoppable decline till now.

All in all, the most important fact is that the North is slowly but surely coming to term with the realities on the ground: the inevitability of Southern Secession and its nasty aftermath on them. Rather than dwelling on the ‘if” of the matter, it would be quintessential for the ruling elites to spend ample time on the “when” and “how” of the dreaded hour.

The Duel: President Obama Vs Mustafa Osman Ismail

The recent undisguised railings at the US president by an adviser to the Sudanese President, Mr. Mustafa Osman Ismail, point to a potent shift of policy within the Obama’s administration. Since his ascension to the helm of power in 2009, President Obama has been bogged down in his foreign policy whose centerpiece was the resetting of tone with the Muslim World, Sudan included.

As a result, Mr Obama, who was publicly pro-Darfur and, by all indications pro-South, during his spirited campaign for the US presidency, has been courting the Khartoumers since day one of his presidency. Not surprisingly, his special envoy to Sudan, Mr Gration, was/is highly hated by Southerners for his pro-NCP leanings and utterances. Under President Obama, the CIA and the national intelligent officers of President Omar El-Bashir have been comfortably collaborating on the so called war on terror.

With the exception of certain officials within the Obama’s administration such as the US ambassador to the UN, Ms Susan Rice, Darfurians and Southerners were almost entirely left in the biting cold of the political wilderness.

As of late, we have been treated to a different turn of events with President Obama talking about making Southern referendum a “priority” and the Sudanese presidential adviser censuring him for allegedly succumbing to the pressure of the Pro-Israel lobby groups that are supposedly supporting Southern Secession.

Although there is little truth in that allegation of an Israeli hand in Southern Sudan quest for independence, there is obviously a substantial backing from the Black Caucus in the US Congress and from the Evangelical Christians in the USA. Those names, however, were omitted and Israel was picked as a propaganda tool as it is usually the case in the Arab-Islamic world.

Israel, in the eyes of the Arabic Media, is synonymous with the devil itself. Yet, none of their 23 nations has, or will likely, achieve the same enviable feat as Israel did—might, brain, technology, good governance and what have you—in the foreseeable future.

This is good news for us, at least if President Obama would give a “red light” to Khartoum that their irrationality won’t be condoned and entertained by the international community. And to squarely drive home that point, there would be no better dramatic way for President Obama to do that than pressing for the imposition of a UN-backed No-fly Zone along the North-South borderline.

Abyei: the Kashmir of the Sudan

With the negotiation grinding into a halt over Abyei in the past days, the SPLM has called on the international community to come to the rescue of the situation. The impasse threatens to bloom into a full blown conflict that might engulf the whole region before the conduct of the scheduled plebiscite in the South.

Used to an SPLM known to easily throwing in the towel in almost all the prior negotiations over various contested issues, the NCP is pressing ahead uncompromisingly for the inclusion of the Missiriya in the referendum vote.

According to the SPLM SG, Mr. Pagan Amum, the Minister of Peace and CPA implementation who headed the SPLM delegation to the Ethiopian city of Addis Ababa where the latest talk was held, the NCP’s demand has no direct reference to the CPA. Alarmingly, that hasn’t stopped the NCP and their surrogates from flexing their muscles in the imposition their wills contrary to the peace accord.

By all indications, Abyei is sadly turning out to be the future centre of conflict between the South and the North: the Kashmir of the Sudan. The presence of oil will only exacerbate the matters further.

Modeling the future: Unity State’s Consensus

The news of the regional assembly of Unity State committing themselves to state funding of students to study abroad is a milestone event in the history of our land. For politicians all over the world, the only universal denominator they got is their selfishness, love of power, devotion to money, and damning corruption.   In poverty stricken part of the world as Southern Sudan is, that is the expected norm as Jubans can testify.

For our dear politicians to even think about this new development is an unprecedented and praiseworthy undertaking. Questions might abound over how the said students will be selected, particularly as far as nepotism is concerned but that is an afterthought, minor concern. Brains that came up with such a fantastic novel idea have my full benefit of the doubt.

Belated congratulations to the Unity State council of Ministers! Let’s hope others will not only see and hear about you but actually take some concrete steps to emulate you guys. In the immortal words of the Indian sage, Mahatma Gandhi, let’s make the Southern Sudan we want to live in tomorrow by committing ourselves today to be the change that will bring it about.

Breaking news——-

In an appeal case submitted to the Sudan Constitutional Court by the Deputy Mayor, Mr. Mohamed, a member of the Egyptian People Council, the Sudanese Constitutional Court accepted the appeal to cancel the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between North and South Sudan.

Mr. Mohamed challenge the constitutionality of the CPA arguing that it is legally invalid and therefore should be annulled before it causes more troubles for Sudan. He further claimed that South Sudan would become a safe haven for Israeli agents to terrorize Africa and the Arab world, and consequently, to usher in second Western domination of the continent.

The prescription, according to the Mayor, is the immediate nullification of the CPA.

Mr. PaanLuel Wël can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com  or through his blog: http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com/

 

SPLM Dilemma: The Futility of Rescuing the CPA from itself

Posted: March 3, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in PaanLuel Wël

In this photo; SPLM leaders seen at youth event in Juba, South Sudan. [nation.co.ke]

By PaanLuel Wel (Washington DC, USA)

Forewarned is forearmed—English proverbs.

October 10, 2010 (SSNA) — Currently in Southern Sudan, there are two prevailing moods regarding the referendum: hope and fear. These two distinct dispositions concurrently existing in the region, like two poles of the magnet, are highly repulsive and contradictory.

For one, there are high expectations about the referendum outcomes, somewhat unparalleled since the heydays of the CPA. This is mainly because a great number of Southerners are so certain and confident about how they will cast their votes come January 9th, 2011.

And yet, contradictorily, the very people who can’t wait long enough to usher in a new country and/or to start celebrating the referendum results, too, exhibit a sense of great uncertainty over the looming high stakes in the Sudan forthcoming referendum. How does one go about explaining this perfect co-habitation of super-optimism and super-pessimism amongst the Southern populace?

Numerous antecedents may explicate why most Southerners might be optimistic about the future. Historically, Southerners spot only prolonged oppression and extreme exploitations at the unmerciful hands of both foreigners and present day Khartoum ruling class.

Economically, they reason that it is their own Southern resources that have not only been sustaining the economy of the entire country but the very ones constantly being used as a tool to suppress and enslave them. Whereas others see prosperity in having plenty of resources, Southerners only see and experience resources curse.

Socially, the state sponsored policies of Arabization and Islamization have long been the interminable impetus of their cultural subjugation and humiliation. Politically, the pent-up indignation over the imposition of Sharia law as the ultimate law of the land, the disenchantment over underrepresentation of their equally neglected region in the national leadership and the bitterness over undisguised incessant sneer of racial supremacy have turned any more concerted agitation for change within—The New Sudan Vision—like flogging a dead horse to many Southerners.

Consequently, on the one hand, the prospects of breaking free, at long last, from Khartoum demonic bondage could be the logical explanation for the presence of optimism alongside pessimism.

On the other hand, the seemingly indomitable hurdles the SPLM is confronting in their endeavor to fully implement the CPA demonstrates why many Southerners are so melancholic about the plebiscites in particular and their future in general. Southerners have numbers on their side. Their voices, votes and preferences count whether the opposing camps like it or not. In addition, the SPLM, along with nearly all the other Southern political parties, agree on the path of separation.

Furthermore, all Southerners vividly remember and recognize that their right to exercise and make decisions regarding their future through the referendum is enshrined in the Comprehensive Peace agreement (CPA). Thus, they are more than certain of the irreversibility of their onward march toward a brighter tomorrow. Yet there is still great uncertainty and looming despair over what might happen, and especially on how the situation might look after January 9th 2011. Why has it to be this way, particularly now?

It is said that in order to make sense of the present and to somehow accurately forecast the future, one must strive to understand the past. Let’s get back to the past a little bit, at least since the inception of the CPA, and see what intriguing happenings have transpired that might both interest and help us to comprehend why Southerners are so despondent.

Recall the unparallel euphoria that greeted the signing and welcoming of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement? What followed then? Serious of misfortunes and utter failures (on part of the SPLM) that have both confounded and instilled unprecedented uneasily among the Southerners ensued.

After merely three weeks in office and before he could even pay a visit to Juba, the main Southern City he had spent two decades trying to capture from the government’s forces, Dr. Garang, the former SPLM/A chairperson, was abruptly killed in a helicopter crash on  July 30, 2005 on his way back from Uganda. And down into the grave went not only his charred body but also the high hopes and almost the aspirations of Southerners.

The SPLM, in response, made an ideological U-turn in its policies and long established objectives from a national liberation party into a regional outfit where it remains today. That earlier, unexpected devastating death of Dr. Garang ushered in the beginning of countless others.

Although the sudden death of Dr. Garang was such a tragic and untimely event, many ordinary people were consoled by the tantalizing dividends of the document he left behind—the CPA. However, that optimism in the full implementation of the CPA by both peace partners only lasted till the beginning of the constitution of the first Government of National Unity (GoNU).

From the outset, there was much squabbling over the control of the oil ministry despite the fact that the National Congress Party (NCP) had taken all the juicy ministries and more than half of the cabinet portfolios in GoNU. After long gamesmanship in the battle of the wills and wits, the SPLM gave in, much to the dismay of Southern populations.

Whereas the then, and still, prevailing reasoning in the SPLM think tanks was that it was done in the spirit of partnership—give and take strategy, the NCP and many critics of the SPLM saw it differently. Critics saw unwarranted weaknesses that should have never been permitted in the first place while the NCP saw a general loophole to be exploited for further political gains.

As if to underscore that view, the NCP, after successfully pinning down the SPLM on similar wall akin to the oil ministry debacle, went on a rampage that saw the removal of Edward Lino as the chief administrator of Abyei, the dethroning of Pagan Amum as a minister for cabinet affairs in Khartoum, the late recall of Yasir Arman as SPLM’s presidential candidate against the NCP’s, the SPLM’s humiliating acceptance of a bogus result from a poorly conducted census, and to top it all off, the recent blatant imposition of a Northerner as the secretary general of the referendum body.

To the average Southerner, these events were neither a cause for congratulating the Southern leaders nor their highly anticipated implementation of the CPA as per the stipulations. Consequently, resentment toward the NCP’s attempt to rescind the terms and spirits of the peace accord and disappointment over SPLM’s apparent weaknesses set in and people started resigning themselves to fate. This was the genesis of the general malaise being witnessed today among the Southern populace.

But others, especially those who made a living of out criticism, would wonder: what were the SPLM leaders thinking when they endlessly surrendered to NCP’s cantankerous pressure? Arguably, the SPLM leaders did pretty well, for, by looking at the bigger picture of the struggle, they are sacrificing a lot now in order to realize the bigger objective on January 9th, 2011.

That is, the successful conduct of the referendum that would, if successful and free of drama, put an end to this overdue struggle. Had they not made those concessions to the NCP, the CPA would have long died from continuous political bickering and impasses. If you acknowledged that continued sacrifices have to be made till Southerners arrive in the Promised Land, then it is logical to assert that the SPLM beat the NCP at its own game, quite to the contrary.

Of course, it would be tempting for anyone to allege that I am doing nothing more than rationalizing a pathetic situation that Southerners wittingly or unwittingly found themselves in over the years. That assertion, however, is true as far as anyone has not calmed down enough to figure it out how the situation would have been today had SPLM not given up the oil ministry; had they not accepted the spurious outcomes of the bungled national census; had they not swallowed their pride in recalling Pagan Amum, Edward Lino and Yasir Arman or that they had insisted on having the post of the secretary general to the referendum committee, which, by the way northerners should have little to do with.

Any adamancy on the part of the SPLM would have translated into outright indeterminate altercations that would have successful crippled and killed the CPA. In other words, the CPA would have long been as dead as a dodo due to political stalemate over CPA implementation.

But here is the catch, the very dilemma that graces the title of this article, for how long would this concession tactics by the SPLM to save the CPA continue?  Not forever, everyone would doubtlessly acknowledge, lest the CPA would naturally die from the very process meant to resuscitate and prolong its lifespan. To repeat myself, I have been arguing that the SPLM was/is basically justified in their concessions to the NCP’s demands because it ensures the lifeline of the CPA. But this method, many would concur with me, must never go on forever because the NCP might ultimately demand the abrogation of the accord, of which the concession strategy would be useless.

Therefore, the million dollar question then become: when and where exactly would giving in (not giving in) mean one more breathing day for the embattled document and not giving in (giving in) mark the death of it? If this question is the SPLM’s dilemma on their exertions to see to the full fulfillment of the CPA, then the puzzle to provide a satisfactory answer is the futility of saving the CPA from itself!

Talking of rescuing the CPA from itself, and especially in the context of the strategy deployed by the SPLM, I have in mind many unresolved contentious issues in the few remaining days before the agreed referendum date. Prominent among them are the question of border delineation and demarcation; the delayed voters’ registration; the questions over sharing of the odious debts; the political, social and economic arrangements between North and South for the post-referendum era; the uncertainty over Abyei; the question over citizenships; the holding of free and fair referendum that could reflect the wishes of the majority; whether or not the outcomes of a peaceful referendum would be bitterly contested as usually the case, and most importantly still, if they would ever get implemented accordingly in case the referendum process do occur as envisaged?

The composition of the top officials of the referendum body further complicated the matters. The Chairperson, Mohammed Ibrahim Khali, and the secretary general, Mohamed Osman Al-Nijoumi, are both Northerners who might not be impartial in the event of any contested results of the referendum. If the NCP instruct the two gentlemen at the helm of the referendum commission not to announce the plebiscite outcomes until contentious issues are iron out or to announce them contrary to the facts or even to claim that the threshold of the required 60% quorum has not been met, what would happen given that any unilateral declaration of independence would be a breach of the CPA even though imposed on the Southerners? The promised dividends of the CPA, it appears, may not be attainable unless there is a profound realization on the part of the North to let go of the South without quagmires.

War is not on the table because that is where we came from and neither is “doing nothing” since that would be like aiding the enemy. But there is little doubt that a botched outcome of the plebiscite would mean one and only one thing: war. Judging by the current events, none of the parties would benefit from the excesses of the war. The North, nonetheless, might be reluctant to let go of the South and might invade, in the likelihood of a unilateral declaration of independence, either for economic gains, or because of fear of losing a quarter of the country that might instigate Darfur to secede or just for reputation—saving face in the Arabs world. Any renewed conflict, though, would be a much deadly protracted war with no clear winners or losers in sight.

In conclusion then, there is a clear dilemma on the part of the SPLM over how to navigate the implementation process particularly when the NCP is bent on obstruction. SPLM cannot afford political impasse to kill the CPA nor can they go on making concessions to the NCP forever without eventually destroying the very treasure they are protecting. And yet, a renewal of the war would be unsettling to both sides, hence out of question. In this dilemma, facing the SPLM, lies the futility of saving the CPA from itself. Forewarned is forearmed!

Mr. PaanLuel Wël can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com  or through his blog: http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com/

The Viability of an Independent South Sudan

Posted: March 3, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in PaanLuel Wël

South Sudan Administrative Map. Photo: goss.org

By PaanLuel Wel (Washington DC, USA)

Don’t judge the book according to its cover—English proverbs.

October 2, 2010 (SSNA) — There are two likely scenarios when talking of post referendum era. The first is a possibility of a viable independent nation in the present region of Southern Sudan living side by side in peace with the old Sudan—comprising of the rest of the country minus the South.

The other probability is the deadly resumption of a civil war which is highly likely in the event that both parties failed to agree to the full implementation of the CPA or one party felt cheated and resort to violence in the hope of forcing the other to stick to the dictates of the accord.

In this paper, I will only restrict myself to the former case scenario hoping to get time to discuss the likelihood of another war in my next article, given time and the continued relevancy of the topic.

It is quite easy to see the possibility of having a new country come January 9th, 2011. An overwhelming majority of Southerners would like to have nothing short of an independent homeland after nearly a century of subjugation—colonization, exploitation, marginalization and deceit characterized by failed promises—by various foreign powers.

First, it was the British, then combined forces of Anglo-Egyptian rule till that botched independence of 1956 and now, since the 1950’s, our homegrown oppressors—the successive government of the Awlad Al-balad princes of Khartoum. Considering all the hardships undergone by Southerners under these foreign predators, it is a foregone conclusion that they would, given this once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to exercise their preferences, pursue separation over unity in the forthcoming plebiscite.

And to crown this vote for secession, many Southerners would be quick to point out that this referendum was not given to them, by anyone else, on a sliver plate: full price was paid in blood, time and resources. Among the prices paid, the voters would insist, was the over 22 years—50 years since the commencement of the first Southern uprising marked by the 1955 Torit mutiny—of struggle that eventually compelled the Awlad Al-balad princes to the negotiation table.

Tellingly, the princes who have all along considered Southerners as slaves, were now willing not only to sit down on the same table with their hitherto al-bids but were also ready to cut deal with them—the historic CPA being one among many accords forced on the Islamists against their racial ideology of Arabism.

The CPA was/is historic not least because it guarantee many Southerners’ interest unlike the Addis Ababa agreement—another milestone achievement by the first Southern uprising of the 1970’s. For one, the CPA gave Southerners, for the first time in the history of the Sudan, the post of the vice presidency and many cabinet portfolios in the Government of National Unity (GoNU) and a fully funded autonomous government in the South.

Secondly, the 50-50 sharing of Southern-produced wealth was another landmark accomplishment. Thirdly, it also secures the preservation of a fully funded Southern army—the SPLA—with full control over the entire Southern borders. What that mean in a layman language is that, should war break out today, the SPLA won’t be bogged down again in its quest to liberate Southern cities—Juba, Wau, Malakal, Bortown etc—but would rather concentrate its might on either defending the South or a grand march toward Khartoum itself. With the stroke of a pen, the SPLA took all Southern cities!!

However, the most effective dividends of the CPA, a lethal dose to the Islamist agenda, was the greater awareness created and exposure made about the gravest evils of the successive oppressive Khartoum’s regimes against the marginalized people of the Sudan. The over millions Sudanese people who welcomed Dr. Garang back to Khartoum on his first visit there since he left for the bush in 1983; the massive numbers that witnessed his subsequent swearing in ceremony when he took the office of the vice president; the continued deadly uprising in Darfur and the simmering another one in the Eastern part of the country, not to mention Nuba Mountain and Southern Blue Nile regions,   are all the telltales signs of a troubled country in the wake of the CPA’s promulgation.

By conceding to Southerners’ demands and in signing the CPA, the once seemingly invincible Awlad al-balad princes opened the box of Pandora that is slowly, but surely, dooming their cherish dreams of an Arabised and Islamised Sudan. This is the true hallmark of the success of the CPA in particular and of the struggle of the marginalized people in the Sudan in general. Indeed, in the word of the late Dr. Garang, “Sudan will never be the same again.”

Besides the wars of liberation waged and the monumental peace accords signed, Southerners going to the voting booth on January 9th would be proud, too, to have successfully conducted their first presidential and parliamentary election, albeit with some notable discrepancies. Those inconsistencies were, however, within the realm of the African standard of exercising electoral processes.

This is by no mean to be apologetic to the GoSS or the SPLM Political Bureau conduct of the electoral process, but rather, in comparison to Kenya that went up in smoke and shed blood, or Zimbabweans that were dead all over the street or even Rwanda where opposition leaders were mysteriously murdered on an election eve, South Sudan fared better than expected considering that this was the first ever conducted election on the soil. The fact that there are now relegate rebels—George Athor, David Yau or Gatlauk Gai etc—cannot diminish the astounding positive side of the election which should rightly define the process rather than its inevitable minor downside.

In addition to that success too, the other important realization Southerners won’t forget would be the sustained efforts by various then opposing parties to see the need of conducting and adhering to the terms of the South-South dialogue. That process, initiated by the late SPLM chairperson, Dr Garang, has been continued by the current SPLM leader, Salva Kiir. Without that peace processes that have ensured the inclusion of the former prominent Southern leaders who had been working alongside the North, and against the SPLM /A during the war, South Sudan would have been a different place today.

Take for instance; what kind of a place would Southern Sudan be today if people like Paulino Matip, Dr Machar, governor Clement Wani etc were not in the Government of South Sudan (GoSS), courtesy of the South-South dialogue? This is why it is imperative to bring on board other relegate elements for the sake of the attainment of the greater good over the smaller evil and in full appreciation of the plain fact that no single party, all by itself, could achieve anything for the people of the South.

Economically, an independent future South Sudan is endowed with many valuable natural and human resources. It has deep reserve of oil, proven gold and other precious minerals, virgin forest, fresh waters from rivers and lakes, towering mountains, span of vast fertile valleys and raised grown for farming and rearing cattle, and sizable young energetic population ready to support every industry set up to further the development of the country.

Socially, it would be composed of almost all black Africans which would stem out racial supremacy tendencies and foster unity based on equality. English, mainly spoken in the South will facilitate national integration and instill a sense of national identity unlike Arabic which is majorly associated with Islamism and Arabism. Along with these are the traditional virtues of African hospitality and social cohesion which have been keeping Southerners together for years against all odds in the face of long oppression.

Southern Sudan also has largely unpolluted environment to support her economy, and politically wise, intricate of traditional African socio-political practices which can be harnessed to supplement democratic institutions for the desired success of the country and the envisaged betterment of its people.

Therefore, on this positive side of the post referendum era, an independent South Sudan—reconciled to itself, proud of its roots and fully cognizance of many sacrifices made to bring her forth—is a reality to be reckon with by all concern parties within, regionally and/or internationally.

Of course, many commentators would or have been arguing that such a country conceived of as South Sudan is now is undoubtedly predestined to disintegrate and crumble on itself not least because Southerners cannot rule themselves or that it would be plagued, from day one, by numerous internal contradictions—tribal supremacy warfare, corruptions, mismanagements, ill-conceived vision for the country or lack of it thereof, war with the north over border or oil etc—that would either spell its dooms or turn it into another Somalia.

Admittedly, those commentators have legitimate points to make. What they don’t tell Southerners, however, is the country with which they are comparing future South Sudan with its apparent irreconcilable problems.   Is it old Sudan, sub-Saharan African countries, Arabian world or Western or Asian countries?

This is where it gets interesting for if the comparison made is between future South Sudan and old Sudan, it would be laughable if not an outright falsehood driven by nothing less than hidden agenda. If on the other hand the comparison is between the future South Sudan and Western democratic countries that took centuries developing to arrive at their present enviable statehood, then it would be a misplaced, unwarranted comparison that is best left for intellectual debate with no real application to the actual contextual world.

If still the comparison is made between sub-Saharan African countries and the future South Sudan, then it would be painstaking enough for such people to identify one African nation which has no its own internal contradictions that South Sudan will inherit on coming into being on January 9th 2010.

In reality, all the imperfections that South Sudan has—tribalism, nepotism, cronyism, mismanagement of the national resources, cattle rustling, tribal wars, civil wars, visionary-less leaders to mention but just a few—are all the trademarks of each and every country on Africa continent.

Hence, the allegation of Southerners being unable to rule themselves or that future South Sudan would be on the verge of genocidal wars and Somalia-likeness is a baseless utterance. Even if someone were to double the current problems beleaguering South Sudan, it won’t yet stand out among the nation of Africa for its notoriety: it would just be like the rest, old Sudan included. What the fuss then?

Lastly but not least, even in the event that future South Sudan were to collapse into tribal anarchy akin to Somalia or DRC Congo or that the tribal wars degenerate into genocide, it would still be no sufficient ground to regret secession from the North. Was the American civil war a cause for denigrating their war for independence? Did the Rwandans demand their former colonizing master—France, to recolonize them just because they were killing themselves instead of amicably reconciling their tribal differences? Are Somalis currently in the process of welcoming back Italians to their land to sort out their differences?

Of course not, and such is the hypocrisy, the hollowness and the nonsensicality of the sound of alarm raised by those purporting to be saving Southerners from themselves. An independent South Sudan is a viable entity worthy of hoping to, and working for, its both uncontroversial birth and healthy growth among nation of the world among which it will assume it rightful long-denied place.

Mr PaanLuel Wel, a concerned Sudanese student studying in the United States, can be reached at: paanluel2011@gmail.com This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it  or through his blog:  http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com


What has Become of our Economic Liberation: Onto the Root Causes of our Economic Tribulation in South Sudan (Part 2)

By PaanLuel Wel (Washington DC, USA)

September 20, 2010 (SSB) — In Part One of this article, I argued that the prospects of our economic transformation, as imagined and hoped by most South Sudanese in the immediate aftermath of the 2005 groundbreaking peace accord and into our glorious independence, were, and are continually being, hampered by numerous hurdles. Among these impediments are intra-tribal clashes and political rebellions, weak public schools and poor health care systems, government’s failures to enforce the rule of law, and most importantly, low rates of savings and investments. I ended Part One with a rhetorical question, that, given all the formidable obstacles hindering us in our march toward economic prosperity: “what is the panacea?”

While there is no definitive panacea to our endemic economic crisis, I will, nonetheless, offer some sound economic proposals to the ministry of economic planning and development, the development partners, the business community and the general public of the South Sudan. There are time-tested economic policies that the government should have implemented to inaugurate, promote and maintain continued economic growth. To increase economic growth rates, to realize higher standard of livings among Junubeen, and thus, to fulfill its manifest destiny of total socio-economic liberation of the marginalized people, the government should consider to put into effect economically informed programs that would enhance the property right and the rule of law, improve health and elevate the quality of education, subsidize research and development in centers of higher learning, provide incentives for savings and investments, and most significantly, take advantage of and participate in regional and global economy.

In South Sudan, the rule of law and property rights is particularly undermined by both corruption and political instability. There are certainly tremendous dividends and justifiable call for government involvement in a very immature market economy such as there is in our infant nation. One particular benefit of the government intervention in market economy would be strict enforcement of the rule of law that would aggrandize the protection of the property rights. The principle of property right—privileges individuals or firms have to the exclusive use of their property—as enshrined in the interim constitution of South Sudan is doomed if not uphold sternly. As an essential doctrine of all successful economies in the world, continued absence of strict observance of the rule of law across the country mean that neither the entrepreneurs would be willing to risk their own hard-earned funds to expand or start new business enterprises, and nor would the investors be enthusiastic to invest in new business start-ups.

Corruption in form of bribes surreptitiously taken by government officials before issuing permits for businesses is not uncommon in Juba and so is unwarranted taxation that either scares away or unnecessarily victimizes upcoming firms. Worse still, these taxes end up in the pockets of government officials and their surrogates rather than being utilized to build and extend public infrastructures like the much-needed road network systems that would bolster agro-economic activities in the countryside. The rule of law and the protection of the property rights is further severely undermine by increased political instability—civil strife by tribal bandits, and armed rebellions spearheaded by aggrieved politicians—that has rendered large parts of South Sudan Somalia-like. In those areas it is hard to imagine flourishing economic activities going on under frenzied civil war. The government must prioritize the tackling of rampant corruptions and reinforce political stability in order to secure and boost property rights and the rule of law—the pivotal of economic development.

Having established and institutionalized the rule of law by eliminating corruption and curbing political instability, the government should then embark on providing upgraded basic education and improved health care for the population. For success to be attained, educational reforms in the elementary, primary, secondary and, above all, in higher education, must be urgently carried out. This will goes all the way to combating ignorance by eliminating illiteracy and to promote technological innovations by encouraging rigorous study of STEM—sciences, technological, engineering and mathematical courses. For that feat to materialize though, new schools should be built, more teachers trained, comprehensive new national curriculum instituted, textbooks published and distributed and teachers remunerated well and on time. Furthermore, peace and security must be created and maintained in many volatile regions so as to provide conducive environment for learning to take place.

Moreover, brain drain—situation whereby highly educated and successful Junubeen leave for, or decided to remain in, high-income countries due to unfavorable conditions in South Sudan—should be combated by a combine force of halting corruption, nepotism and favoritism usually based on tribes and/or connections rather than on one’s skill and educational qualifications. There are many viable incentives for our valuable sons and daughters who might be, out of no alternatives or just oblivious of the vice, advancing brain drain process. This could be accomplished by providing adequate secure environment, both for working and living in South Sudan, and to a great degree, by improving the economic prospect in the domestic economy. Anyone who can easily make not only a decent living but also a great name for him- or herself within his/her native country has no further motivations to seek green pastures in foreign lands which are often unwelcoming to funny-looking aliens (as they think of Junubeen).

Similarly, health issues should be met head on since there is an unequivocal correlation between health and economic growth rate. Our sickened, malnourished workforce should be replaced with strong, tall, healthy workers that would be the vanguards of our economic transformation. For South Sudan to achieve that, new technological-equipped health centers should be built, more doctors and nurses trained, better drugs and medicines made available in hospitals, food and nutrition increased, access to clean water and sanitation improved, and children immunization expanded. Budget constraints might present a considerable headache but if corruptions and general mismanagements are done away with, funding from development partners could be secured to smoothen out the budget constraints. Increased learning in schools and improved health conditions would produce a healthy and an efficient labor force that would ultimately ensure increased return to human capital to pull us out of this extreme poverty.

But increasing human capital has diminishing return. Therefore, GoSS policies should, through subsidization of national education, facilitate access to crucial technology. Research and development should be financed through government’s funding as a form of investment. This is how many rich, developed countries such as the EU, the US, Israel, Japan, and lately China, incubated and nursed their technological innovations over the years. The National Science Foundation in the US, for instance, was purposely established and continually being funded with a clear goal of supporting university researchers. Israel, a tiny resource-less, desert country surrounded by countless adversaries, is today a global technological powerhouse owing to its government’s consistent funding of scientific research and development that cut across all aspect of the societal life ranging from the superb military to spectacular business innovations. For the sake of an efficient and productive workforce, basic education and research and development should be encouraged through subsidization by the government using petro-dollars. The subsidization of education will undoubtedly play an essential role in the promotion of economic growth that South Sudan badly need.

In addition to a committed government funding, South Sudan can easily access technology, just like the Asian Tigers—China, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore etc.—through foreign direct investment. This can be realized by allowing firms from developed, rich countries to build new factories or to acquire struggling domestic firms, if any, in South Sudan. Through direct foreign investment, India, a country that had, until recently, been as poor as many African countries, has been able to gain enviable access to the software technology of giant multinational corporations such as Microsoft, Dell and Apple among others. For South Sudan to achieve any remarkable break from the present day grinding poverty, government’s policies should aid the growth of technology by subsidizing research and development and through tax breaks to those firms interested in or are already undertaking research and development to facilitate technological change.

Of all the available policies geared toward economic growth, none is more important than those that increase the incentive to savings and investments among the population. In order to break the vicious cycle of abject poverty, government should pioneer strategies that would encourage both individual and business savings and investments that could result in the increase of loanable funds for entrepreneurial ventures. Tax reductions should be carried out on individuals so that their disposal income would be enough to cover both present expenditures and future consumptions—saving for future use. These funds should then be placed in a scheme—say individual retirement accounts—where the savings could get compounded over the years before retirement and where businesses can make use of them to finance their investments. Firms too can be cajoled to save through investment tax credits which would allow firms to reduce the portion of their taxable profit provided they are committed to invest the extra cash in business investments. These incentives, if successfully facilitated by the government on individuals and firms to save and invest, would greatly promote the prospect of economic growth and prosperity in South Sudan.

For much of our living history, South Sudan has been wallowing in despicable poverty. The civil war only exacerbated the already dire economic situations. Today, more than ever before, we have within our firm grips the prerequisite means to change the pathetic living standards of our country men and women if only we are prepared to give little resolve to do so. The key to better economic prospects lie in nothing more than establishing the rule of law by curbing corruption and political instability, provision of basic education and healthcare systems to the people, subsidization and funding research and development in the universities to further the cause of technological change, provision of incentives for firms and individuals to save and invest, and for the most part, participation in regionalized and globalized international trade to attract foreign direct investment and gain access to technology of multinational corporations.

For South Sudan, the road is wide open, the direction is obviously clear and the potentials dividends, not to mention the opportunity cost of inactions, are enormous. Something has to be done and now is the time! That something is the fulfillment of our long promised economic liberation according to the SPLM/A’s Manifesto. Is this asking too much from the government of the liberators?

Mr. PaanLuel Wel, a concerned Sudanese student studying in the United States, can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it or through his blog: http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com


What has Become of our Economic Liberation: Onto the Root Causes of our Economic Tribulation in South Sudan (Part 1)

By PaanLuel Wel, Washington DC, USA

August 27, 2010 (SSNA) — Among the myriad injustices that compelled us to take up arms against Khartoum’s oppressive regimes was the idea that, with political and social liberation from the North, there would be economic liberation for our long impoverished region. Almost ten years into the day that the SPLM/A triumphantly entered Juba city and four years since independence from Khartoum, nothing much has changed as far as the living standards of struggling Junubeen are concerned. In spite of our political and socioeconomic freedom, which has bestowed upon us, for the first time, the means and the necessary resources to make visible differences amongst our people, the economic condition is still as dire as it was prior to and throughout the war. Abject poverty, dilapidating corruption and nepotism in public offices, poor public infrastructure, weak educational systems, chronic diseases, pathetic health care systems, intensified inter-tribal wars and political rebellions reign in almost every region of our beloved motherland.

So what has become of our economic liberation? What could possibly explain this absurd abnormality at a time when our own sons and daughters are in charge of our nation’s welfare? After attaining our independence from Khartoum, why do we, should we, still feel that Junub Thudan is in the hands of the same monkeys in different forest? Although there is no simple or single answer to those questions, there are, still, many contributing factors that can be postulated as possible causes of our pathetic and gloomy economic condition. Among these are inter-tribal conflicts and political rebellions; weak public schools and poor health care systems; our government’s utter failures to enforce the rule of law; and low rates of saving and investment among the Southerners. All of these have perpetuated the vicious cycle of poverty in our country.

First and foremost, South Sudan has witnessed a consistent number of inter-tribal strife, cattle rustling and child abduction cases since the advent of the CPA, and the subsequent constitution of GoSS, in 2005. The current civil war only exacerbated the problem. For South Sudan, which had just barely emerged out of a long destructive civil war, to experience such an extended period of violence made it impossible for enough capital to be accumulated and new technologies to be imported and adopted by entrepreneurs and firms. This has made it near difficult for business-minded individuals, firms and government to initiate and conduct any meaningful type of business in order to change the economic situation of the country. Thus, there is general stalemate in economic emancipation.

In addition to the extended period of civil strife and the politically motivated rebellions, South Sudan suffers from the presence of three other major problems: weak public schools and poor health systems, both of which are compounded by the dearth of infrastructure. The prominent ingredient in the theory of economic development is that human capital—the accumulated knowledge and skills that workers acquire from education, training or from their life experiences—is a main determining factor of labor productivity. The higher the labor productivity among the workforce of a country, the faster and higher is the economic growth and development of the country, and the brighter is its economic future.

However, South Sudan has a weak public school system to produce such productive labor force. As a result, a large number of people who are unable to read and write could not be useful in economic productivity since they are virtually incapable of obtaining the necessary skills such as the acquisition and application of the latest technology. This means that even if factories, machinery and computers are made available by the government or by a Good Samaritan NGO, in most cases, many of the technical jobs would be taken up by expatriates whose chief driving force for seeking such job opportunities runs contrary to our national economic policy. A barely educated and inadequately trained workforce, like what we got in South Sudan, cannot be the beacon and the backbone of economic transformation in any country.

Coupled with this poor system of education is the prevalence of chronic diseases across the South. Even though many of these pervasive diseases, such as the killer malaria, waterborne diseases and tuberculosis, have long been eradicated or are easily treatable in the developed world, they are still thriving in South Sudan, maiming countless victims yearly. Others such as HIV/AIDS will soon deprive the nation of its workforce, especially the energetic middle age group that is the substratum of our economic growth. This problem is further compounded by dearth of physical and telecommunication infrastructure in South Sudan.

This is especially true since the government lacks the required resources to combat these social maladies by providing medical care for the sick, childhood vaccinations for newborns, or even ample nutrition for the whole population as a preventive measure against malnutrition, which causes permanent mental retardation among the young. Poor nutrition, exposure to deadly diseases and an ineffective system of education have led to economic deterioration in South Sudan as an ill-prepared and sick workforce cannot contribute fully to the success of economic liberation.

If communal wars and a poor system of education and health care are to blame for our dismal economic performance during the last five years; so, too, is the utter failure of our Juba based government to enforce the run of law in the land so as to inaugurate, promote and maintain entrepreneurship. In order for our indigenous entrepreneurs and start-ups firms to emerge and flourish in the South Sudan economic setting, the rule of law—the ability of a government to enforce the laws of the land and especially with regards to protecting private property and enforcing business contracts—must be guaranteed by the government in Juba.

It is only through such execution and observance of the rule of law that private property can be guaranteed and contracts enforced. This, in turn, will signify that entrepreneurs and firms can feel secure in their property and confident enough to embark on new business ventures across the country. This is the prerequisite condition for progressive economic growth and development. Guaranteeing private property rights and the enforcement of business contracts, however, calls for the establishment of an independent court system to administer the rule of law on the participants of the economic system. Unfortunately, vast parts of our country has no known functioning, independent court system that is effective enough to uphold and enforce the rule of law to make it possible for firms to operate efficiently.

The few courts that do exist are mired down in cases of bribery of judges, pronounced inefficiency, wanton corruption, grand mismanagement and political and tribal favoritisms. If entrepreneurs and firms in South Sudan can’t trust the public court system to uphold the rule of law, few will risk starting new businesses or expanding existing ones for fear of losing their private property to economic banditry. Consequently, economic growth has been hindered in the South by the absence of an effective, functioning independent court system that can guarantee the enforcement of the rule of law. This is why it is the case that developed countries, such as the USA, that have the strongest rule of law, grow more rapidly and much greater than developing countries, such as South Sudan, that have the weakest rule of law.

Lastly, South Sudan seems to be entangled in a situation infamously described by developmental economists as a vicious cycle of poverty. Economic growth and development come about through saving and investment by the citizens of the country in business enterprises. For Southerners to save and invest in businesses, however, they first must secure well paying jobs, meet their basic needs and pay other expenses from their disposable incomes before they can think of saving surplus income for investment in firms.

But the situation in South Sudan is far from that rosy paradise where job opportunities are readily available. Hardly above poverty line, almost no households in South Sudan have enough basic income to make ends meet, let alone to save for business investment. It is these low saving rates in South Sudan that deprives businesses of the funds to make investments in new machinery, factories and equipment that generate economic growth. Lack of funds for business investment leads to economic decline which means that household gross income and saving rates remain low. Hence, there will be no future funds to finance business enterprises that are fundamental to economic growth, and to alleviate poverty.

Therefore, the cycle of poverty burgeons and blossoms. This is the vicious cycle of poverty! To diagnose a cause of a disease, according to our medical experts, is one step toward the long pursuit of seeking full treatment. By now, we must have realized that winning the war against the enemy, that resulted in our political and social liberation, was one step toward full liberation. Now is the right time to ponder over our other heavy yoke, which has been bogging us down for a decade now: economic emancipation from abject poverty, chronic diseases, notorious ignorance and overall lamentable underdevelopment.

For us to win this next fight, we must be cognizance of the fact that we are confronted with cocktails of inter-tribal conflicts, endemic corruption and nepotism, political rebellions, weak public schools, poor health care systems, jarring government failures to enforce the rule of law, and above all, low rates of saving and investment among the Southerners that deny business-minded individuals and firms the needed capital to expand their current enterprises or to finance their new investments. What is the panacea?

Mr. PaanLuel Wël can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com  or through his blog: http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com/


SPLM-DC Chairman Dr. Lam Akol listens in on a discussion of the conference. The SPLM and other Southern political parties agreed in South-South dialogue conference in Juba to form an interim broad-based transitional government after result of referendum on Southern Sudan independence is announced, October 2010. Photo: AP

By PaanLuel Wël (Washington DC, USA)

February 6, 2011 (SSNA) — In the period leading up to the negotiation, signing and promulgation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, it was imperative for all Southerners to front a united face in order to underscore their determination not to be taken for a ride by the National Congress Party of President el Beshir. The same judgment applied and did occur during the rocky implementation of the CPA and also in the years, months and days running up to the referendum process. That the plebiscite was successfully conducted on time and a peaceful divorce from the North is awaiting South Sudanese in July is a long lasting legacy of that rare unity among Southern Sudanese.

Had one group or political party bulged and stabbed the people’s aspiration at the back, the whole process would have gone up in smoke just as did the Addis Ababa Accord whose revocation owed much to the acrimonious relationship between various contending ideologies.

Having stood our ground as one assemblage united for a common cause and secured the accomplishment of our vision, it is now crucial for all parties to see the realization of our future, our destiny in the nursing, harnessing and bolstering of democratic institutions embody in the principles of multi-partyism. An all-inclusive government in an immature democracy would be practically the same as to an official embracement of a de facto one party dictatorship.

Obviously, the opportunist opposition leaders, whose parties are nothing more than briefcases, would welcome and applaud this decisive development since it would present them with employment opportunities to provide for themselves and their families. And with little added vintage point of being in a government which is not known as a paragon of incorruptibility, wealth would undeniably flow like river Nile into their offshore bank accounts; much in the same established tradition of their 7-year-old counterparts in the GoSS. With this moneyed-geared contract in place, it would be safe to say that short term benefit in form of social and political stability, as Hon. Pagan Amum stated, might be attained. But how long this marriages of convenience would last among the ruling elites is debatable and the consequences of its eventual disintegration would be dire.

For one, the reasons advanced by Hon. Pagan Amum, the SPLM Secretary-General and the GoSS minister for Peace and CPA implementation, do not add up nor stand the scrutiny of reasonable argument. Hon. Amum argue that having a broad-based transitional government in the post independence period would serve two main purpose. One, it would “ensure inclusive governance and [political] stability.” And two, it would promote an emergency of a new “multiparty democratic nation in the world” in the form of the new nation to be.

Yet, a “new emerging multi-party democratic nation in the world” does not require a broad based government as a prerequisite for democracy. What it urgently need is a watchful eyes of a strong and vibrant opposition party/parties. These opposition parties, acting as key pillars of democratic society, would supervise the government: acting as alternative ruling party by advancing better alternative policies and, as oversight body, serve to ensure that government policies and actions are in the best interest of the citizens that they serve.

Though there would be short term benefit, the proposed formation of an all-inclusive transitional government in the post independence period would, however, abort the growth and maturation of democracy in the young country. This is because, in the long run, it would set a bad precedence in which elites would turn the government of the people into a compromised club of political parties some of which exist only on paper as bargaining chip for cabinet portfolios. A broad-based government would kill opposition parties and thus undermine the cultivation and flourishing of democratic institutions.

In addition, a mindset of a coalition government would implant itself among the citizenship as well as among the ruling class. In the event of any disputed election in the future, the consensus would be to have a coalition government to accommodate and appease all contending parties. This would perpetuate itself forever as contesting of election results, rather than winning elections, would become the norms and the path toward positions in government or cabinet membership. Such sort of an environment would not be conducive one for democracy because a real democratic country require the present and the active participation of a vibrant opposition party/parties. Instead, future South Sudan would be compelled to adopt the current system of government as arranged in Kenya, Zimbabwe and soon-to-be in Ivory Coast.

In fact, the proposed all-inclusive interim government would preclude the blossoming of any budding opposition parties that would be vital for the working and the maintainability of a democratic government. The indispensability of the considerable contributions of the opposition parties in a democratic society and to the running of the government of the day can’t be overstated nor live without.

Moreover, an inclusive transitional government in South Sudan, while promoting stability in the short-term, would sow the seed of instability in the long run. The old adage of “power corrupt” expresses it better than anything else I can conjure up. Once these leaders, whether from opposition parties or current ministers in the government, test the addictive trappings of power, it would be too hard for any of them to contemplate the life of a backbencher. It would naturally follow that these leaders, in their greedy quest for more power and wealth that come with ministerial jobs, would sell out their principles and values at the altar of power so as to remain in the government. This would destabilize any meaningful formation and growth of real opposition party in the country without which the country would degenerate into either elitism rule or authoritarianism.

Therefore; for the sake of democratic transformation; for the grooming of future strong opposition parties; and for the sake of long term stability, this proposed formation of a broad-based interim government that would not augur well for the institutionalization of democracy in the new country should be shunned by all concerned parties and citizens of South Sudan. Cultivation of a strong and vibrant opposition parties should take precedent and surpass any short-term windfalls that may come with an all-inclusive interim government in the post independence period.

A broad-based government would tantamount to a silent killing of any opposition to government’s abuses of public offices, corruptions and poor governance since it would be unthinkable that the government, compose as it would be of all parties, would be willing and able to supervised itself as much as an opposition party would be count on to dispense its constitutional duties.

Mr PaanLuel Wël can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it or through his blog: http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com/


By PaanLuel Wël

“Let the referendum process proceed with God’s good graces as well as our commitment which we now reiterate to the scheduled date and to accept the outcome resulting from the desire and choice of the citizens”—President Omer Al Bashir.

Sudan Tribune: January 9, 2011 — Within and outside Southern Sudan, as well as in the North, the first day of the Referendum exercise, which is slated to last about a week, has gone and passed peaceably. More optimism, than anything recorded before, is all over the country, in the air, like the snow of the long winters of the Icelanders.

It is not longer if, not even when, South Sudan will get freedom from the North; rather, it is an inescapable deduction, with celebration being mooted for the final day when the concluding results, expectedly hovering around 97%-99.9%, would simply confirm the ultimate culmination of the protracted perilous stride to freedom.

Anyone who has been profoundly following the struggle and the push to have this plebiscite conducted timely and fairly would, however, recalls that it has never been as rosy as it is today. Optimism was dented, though never smothered, by the overwhelming sense of uncertainty in the face of unrelenting National Congress Party’s malicious manipulations of the CPA’s smooth and opportune ratification.

The NCP’s concerted onslaught on the CPA, and by extension on Southerners, was led by, among others, President Omar El Beshir. First, it was the thwarting of the SPLM over the constitution of the post-CPA government—the GoS, where the NCP took a lion share of the fat portfolios of the cabinet. Secondly, the broad-spectrum national census was biasedly conducted to deliberately disadvantage the South in the distribution of the national resources which are allocated in direct proportion to the inhabitants of the regions.

The same road-blocking tactics were employed during the formation of the South Sudan Referendum Committee that almost stillborn the organization before it becomes operational. This is in addition to the unsettled issues over Abyei, the boundary delineations, the question of citizenship, allotment of national resources and debts, and other relatable provisions that need to be addressed to circumvent any would-be flare up of vicious clashes between the two future independent countries destined to live, in peace, side by side.

Infamously considered as the champion of Southerners’ subjugations, President El Beshir has, of late, astounded many people, this author included, by making a huge about-face on the Southern Secession. Though he has oscillated frequently between mumbling unreasonable vitriol and articulating occasional assurances of respecting Southerners’ aspiration during the referendum exercise, it was not until his recent visitation to Juba, the main Southern city, on January 4th, 2011, that it finally dawned on most observers that El Beshir is no longer playing his typical game of hide and seek with the Southern populace.

But why did President El Beshir had a hasty change of mind over his long held position of detaining the South in bondage? Several dynamics would elucidate this enigma. On top of the list, is the tangible peril of renewed war between the SPLA and the SAF in the event of the breach and termination of the CPA. Having been bogged down, since the signing and promulgation of the CPA, by the Darfur’s war which has scandalously placed Sudan on international radar and El Beshir on the most wanted list of the ICC, the NCP carefully weighed their available options and easily figured out that the last scenario they want is another fresh warfront in the South.

This is principally the case with other warfronts seething and impending in the East, Nuba Mountain and Blue Nile, all of which won’t be neutral should the Khartoum-based administration pronounce war on the SPLA. With the menace of NCP’s war machine cornered and neutralized, El Beshir had no choice but to give in and endorse the Southerners’ voice. Moreover, bearing in mind that the NCP single-handedly and stubbornly staffed the South Sudan Referendum Committee with their apologists, the NCP discovered, much to their dismay, that the likelihoods of rigging the plebiscite by giving it the impression of “people rightful wishes” are absolutely nil.

Even the “catch” of mandatory 60% of the registered voters turnout was rendered obsolete by the fact that majority of the registered voters are all within the precincts of the South under the dominion of the SPLM/A. Hence, they can’t be tempered with. With the confirmed registered numbers in the North in their uttermost insignificance, it is no longer logically possible for the NCP to continually rely on the 60% benchmark to advance their subversions of the on-going process.

Consequently, El Beshir made a sudden change of heart and become a champion, not of Southern Oppression as historically the case, but as an advocate of Southern Separation, to an extend of invoking Allah’s will. Ironically, it is the very Allah that has been the motivation, the fuel and the justification of and for South Sudan deep-rooted discrimination by the North.

International elements performed critical starring role here too. China, Russia, the EU and many neighboring countries in Africa took an impartial position and call for a free and fair conduct and conclusion of the referendum. The USA in particular, under President Obama, since September of last year, had, like President El Beshir, made another important about-turn in their policies of flattering El Beshir. The Obama’s administration inaugurated direct confrontation with El Beshir’s government by explicitly making the successful conduct of the Southern Referendum a requisite for the resumption and attainment of good relationship between the USA and the Sudanese government.

But it was not only the USA government that made importance difference on the ground; private American citizens did their part too. George Clooney, one of the preeminent actors of Hollywood and a co-founder of Not on Our Watch, and his counterpart, John Prendergast, the co-founder of the Enough Project, joined hands to successfully launch an entirely new system of robust open air surveillance diplomacy. This system is aimed at denying the culprits and violators of international norms a chance of committing atrocities in the dark and later denies them in the open when call to account for their heinous actions.

Conscious of the fact that any renewal of the war would first burst forth at the borders between the South and the North, Clooney and Prendergast place satellites on the border regions to pick up any apprehensive signs such as that of troops movements, clashes, or all-out-scale hostilities launch on the South from the North. Whereas the world only witnessed the ashes of the Darfur Crisis, months after all killings, raping and destructions had been committed, George Clooney and John Prendergast envisaged and implemented a situation where future genocide would be witness live on the ground as they occur to deny the perpetrators any chance of hiding their atrocious foot tracks.

In my judgment, the last tribute goes to President Salva Kiir for playing it “cool” in the face of belligerent El Beshir. President Kiir’s solemn approach of persistence and tested imperturbability not only outlast El Beshir’s combativeness but also afford him little pretext to declare war, to disrupt and to disavow the CPA, thus, killing the referendum dream prematurely. Although not a gifted orator like his predecessor, the late Dr. John Garang, President Kiir make up for oratory by the amount of endurance he has strikingly display and make the most of in the last six years since his ascension onto the helm of power.

Of course, it is debatable to proclaim that the tranquility of the voting process would be replicated later on during the totaling and subsequent pronouncement of the plebiscite’s absolute outcomes. Some would dispute, fervently, that El Beshir has a secret weapon in place, and all that he is, and has been, exhibiting is a façade. Others would contend that the main barrage of the NCP’s muscle is reserved for the inevitable conflict over the unresolved issues of Abyei, border demarcation, sharing of national wealth, among others.

My response would be that there is no question that El Beshir has broken a taboo in the North for his openly and heavenly backing of the Southern Cause. Historically, it is uncharacteristic of the Northern official to parade such overtures even if for a cover up. It is an open solicitation for a fatwa. That El Beshir has not of yet receives any fatwa nor got killed speak volume of the magnitude of the Northerners’ resignation to Southerners’ aspiration under the intense pressure from the irked international community.

Whether or not the remaining issues to be determined would spiral into Ethiopian-Eritrean style of border clashes would remain to be seen with time. In the intervening time, the government of El Beshir has been compelled, for the second time in a row, first being the ratification of the CPA that pledges the referendum clause, to accept the actualization of the concluding part of the CPA document. To me, that is a ground for festivity in itself!

The author can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com or through his blog: http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com/


BY: PaanLuel Wël, Washington DC, USA

Good management is the art of making problems so interesting and their solutions so constructive that everyone wants to get to work and deal with them—By Paul Hawken.

MAR. 03/2011, SSN; Speaking to the gatherings of South Sudanese professionals and intellectuals marking the founding of the South Sudan Academics Forum for Development in Juba, February 22nd, 2011, Dr. Machar, the Vice-President of the Government of South Sudan, made two long-known, but never publicly admitted, concessions. 

First, he conceded that most learned South Sudanese are not well integrated into the running and reconstruction of the burgeoning country. Thus, he called upon them to “use their acquired knowledge and assist the government in the daunting task of building the new independent state on a solid foundation.”

And as a result of these South Sudanese commended experts and top-rated scholars being at the periphery of nation building, Dr. Machar “revealed that 60% of the current employees in Southern Sudan have no [basic] skills” and necessary experiences to accomplish their assigned task in building the nation.

So what do the professionals, intellectuals and citizens of South Sudan make of this blatant admission, one that is long over-due, from the government?  The unmistaken spoken message from the lips of Dr. Machar is that South Sudan, as a rising nation from the devastation of wars, can’t and won’t manage to get on its feet without the aid and backing of the South Sudanese professionals and intellectuals, both within and/or outside the country.

Therefore, this is undoubtedly a distressed call for the well-read sons and daughters of South Sudan living in the Diaspora to come back home and embark on the demanding responsibility of rebuilding the country, a noble cause that all are, and should be, honored to be part of. Seen this way, the onus then is on the knowledgeable South Sudanese whether or not they will heed the call and take up the challenge from the government and assume their rightful place in the jihad of national development and advancement.

Yet, paradoxically, the very South Sudanese living overseas being implored by the government to return home are, and have all along been, seeking ways to contribute to the development of the New Country. Given the chance, many would rather be in South Sudan where their collective pools of experiences and exposures would be put into a good cause within the country of their origins rather than in their adopted nations. 

Majority of these South Sudanese skilled professionals and academically recognized intellectuals—scientists, medical doctors and nurses, lawyers and judges, engineers, university professors and lecturers, economists, educationalists, information technologists and other highly skilled connoisseurs—have the competencies to achieve what it take to reconstruct and develop a war-torn country like South Sudan.

By competency I mean the appropriate kind of actions that can be seen when a job underhand is performed satisfactorily according to the stipulations of blueprint plan for national development. Scores of these South Sudanese Diasporas have, through many years of rigorous schooling and steady top-notch job held, acquired valuable knowledge (information that has to be learned and recalled to carry out a job) and time-tested skills (the application of that knowledge in a practical way to achieve a constructive result). 

Tapping into and the exploitation these reservoirs of waiting-to-be-use knowledge and skills should be the government first priority as it embarks on building the new country from scratch. This venture can be accomplished by assembling wide ranging programs to entice skilled professionals to actually return to South Sudan. Secondly, the government of South Sudan, or the South Sudanese professionals themselves, can organize a round-table conference wherein discussions and planning would revolve around the best way forward in the amalgamation and employment of this under-utilized section of the citizenry. 

Another possible, and somewhat favorable, method would be to tap into the knowledge, skills, experiences and expertise of the learned South Sudanese specialists while they don’t necessarily transpose to South Sudan. This proposal would be informed by the fact that much of the country is still politically and economically unstable, not least because it just recently materialized from a vicious war.

Therefore, schemes of transferring skills from abroad-based South Sudanese scholars through internet based conduits, visitations; fellowships etc can be explored, contrived, and rapidly put into operation instead of spending millions of our limited resources on foreign expatriates from Kenya, Uganda, etc. These so called expatriates are mere rejects of their own nations who are no better than the over 60% of the workforce Dr. Machar mentioned above.

South African government is one body that has successfully formulated and deployed this approach so far in Africa. Through the South African Network of Skills Abroad (SANSA), the ANC-led government has been able to tap into and exploit the expertise of their estranged sons and daughters, many of whom are products of brain-drain pandemic. Since many of our skilled experts do reside in technologically advanced countries—North America, Western Europe or Australia—it is easy to set up a trustworthy website(s) where they can freely sign up and contribute to the development of their motherland.

The government can then make the most of these pools of know-how at the click of a mouse to help out in the reconstruction of the country. South Sudanese professional and intellectuals can operate as think-tanks groups for research and development just like the Kenya-based Research and Development Forum for Science-Led Development in Africa (RANDFORUM) where leading intellectuals and celebrated scholars apply their skills and experiences to tackle pressing problems of the day.

In so doing, these army of acclaimed South Sudanese, to the letter and spirit of Dr. John Garang’s vision of the Seventh Front, would facilitate the transfer of much needed technologies such as computer software, engineering techniques, latest educational tools etc. Additionally, several of them can lend their hands in capacity building in the embryonic government of South Sudan by organizing workshops, seminars, fellowships and conferences offering trainings in nation building, human rights, democracy and developmental projects.

They could also prop up the government of South Sudan in the establishment of bilateral and multilateral relationship both politically and socio-economically. No nation exists as an island. South Sudan, as the newest nation on earth, will, and does already, has national interests to protect and advance, in one way or another, either on the international stage or in Africa.

But for our political and socio-economical ambitions to survive and succeed in the rough waters of the cut-throat international politics, we need allies. Our sons and daughters, many of whom with citizenship in the leading nations of the world, are the right guys at the right time to connect and cement our affiliation with those potential political and economical associates we shall soon be trotting the globe courting earnestly.

South Sudanese Diaspora communities are our natural ambassadors that South Sudanese leaders in Juba can’t afford to neglect nor ignore lest the reconstruction process would lag behind its otherwise scheduled time-frame.

In spite of these immense benefits accruable from attracting back our foreign trained professionals and scholars, it seem puzzling that the government in Juba is yet to, apart from paying lip services to the problem, initiate any viable bona fide program to magnetize and tap into their vast wealth of skills and experiences amassed from all corners of the world. 

If indeed the government is keen on drawing in, retaining and integrating the accomplished specialists as Dr. Machar suggested, and the skilled professionals themselves are no less enthusiastic about being the key component behind the reconstruction and development process in South Sudan as their perpetual grumblings on the internet attest, why then are we still talking about how to attract and maintain the certified experts in South Sudan? And when and where the government is the one doing the talking instead of doing the “doing”, who then should be listening and do the real business that must be done?   

Obviously, a cocktail of economic and political conditions in South Sudan dissuade many skilled experts and professionals from returning home. On top of the economic woes are the dismally performing economy characterized by high unemployment rates and/or miserable paychecks, unpredictable social and security upheavals and dearth of ample social amenities—health and education etc—for the families of South Sudanese professionals.

On the political front is the opaque and highly restricted political system with notable human rights abuses. Brought up in a pluralistic political environment in the West, most of the skilled professionals find South Sudan politics, dominated by one major party, too dictatorial and impenetrable. That politics, landing a job or securing a top position in the government are invariably intertwine in South Sudan only help to exacerbate the tribulations for most trained professionals, many of whom with no close working relationships with the government of Southern Sudan.

There is, besides political and economic obstacles afore-mentioned, a widespread suspicion and antagonism between our applauded intelligentsia and the war veteran commanders wielding power in Juba. On the one hand, our war veterans consider our erudite men and women, especially those returning from abroad, with deep suspicion that sometimes border on trepidation.

Suspicion and fear because, to the war veterans who receive a skilled professionals—say, ones with assortments of doctorates or masters in their briefcases—in his/her ministry in Juba, it is inconceivable for him/her how on earth these skilled experts get the time and the resources to get all these education while s/he was busy fighting for [their] freedom. 

Secondly, the minister would wonder how dare they come back home when the war is over to come and replace him/her when it is time for him/her to harvest and eat the fruits of his/her sweat? Simply put, the war veterans see our professionals and intellectuals as plain opportunists who, having abandoned the cause and the country, ran way during the war only to return home when it is time to eat. 

On the other hand, our skilled professionals, for their parts, view the ruling class in Juba condescendingly and despicably. To the learned, but majorly sidelined, sons and daughters of South Sudan, the ruling class in Juba is overwhelmingly incompetent, unschooled, corrupt, tribalistic and egotistical. Consequently, there is no way South Sudanese can rely on them to spearhead the developmental phase and usher in a brighter future. The ready solution, in the opinion of the intelligentsia, is for them to either work hand in hand with the war veterans or an outright replacement of the old guards altogether—nothing less than a political coup to the war veterans.

The war veterans, in the thinking of the professionals and scholars, have already done their parts when they liberated the country. Now that we are entering a new kind of war in the process of building the new nation, professionals and intellectuals maintain that our esteemed war veterans are badly prepared and ill-equipped to handle this kind of struggle. Therefore, the only remaining honorable thing for them to do is to throw in the towel and allow better prepared Seventh Front battalions to take over from where they had stopped.

And because much of the policies driving the talk about attracting South Sudanese experts back into the country, and especially in the running of the government, is informed by these obviously distorted, overly suspicious outlooks from both sides of the iron-curtain, a lot of time and considerable amount of effort will be needed to actually succeed in bringing in and assimilating the capable professionals in South Sudan. 

This would ultimately call for a holistic approach and engagement in strategies and programs to attract and retain foreign-educated South Sudanese skilled professionals and intellectuals. A present of a free and open political and economic environment devoid of corruption, nepotism, tribalism and god-fatherism would be a prerequisite for a stable, co-operative relationship between the two groups.

Meanwhile, it is important to appreciate the fact that tapping into the professional skills from South Sudanese Diaspora community won’t be an easy task or a quick one to realize any time soon. This is because it would inexorably involve the daunting task of reconciling political rhetoric from Juba with factual reality going on behind the scene. 

Mr. PaanLuel Wël can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com or through his blog: http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com


By PaanLuel Wël

Sudan Tribune: February 15, 2011 — “For too many Egyptians, Sub-Saharan Africa is a stereotypical exotic land of thick jungles and masses of poor, starving and black-skinned savages” by Sunni Khalid

As 2010 was coming to an end in Africa, no one would have supposed that the year 2011 would be synonymous with people’s power! So far, popular uprisings led by long subdued masses have effectively brought to an end the 28-year-old rule of Ben Ali of Tunisia and a 30-year-old reign of Hosni Mubarak of Egypt—the last Pharaoh.

The rippling affects of this Jasmine revolution are being felt and feared across the Arab-Islamic world today at an unprecedented rate since the two toppled dictators were untouchable until just this year when the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouaziz, a young Tunisian man frustrated and humiliated at the hand of excruciating poverty, sparked the embers of this on-going unstoppable mass-led rebellions.

With the domino-like-effect bound to cascade across the Arabic world, and especially, given the fact that the core pent-up grievances of these citizens are just parallel and comparable to those in the Sub-Saharan Africa, what are the chances that the Jasmine revolution will replicate itself in Sub-Saharan African countries? How worried should the aging dictators of Sub-Saharan Africa be?

I believe it depends on how similar and/or different the socio-economic and geopolitical tribulations confronting the citizens from these two regions are. The nature of citizenry—how politically savvy and technologically connected the population is—does matter too.

There are a lot of similarities between North Africa (NA) and Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) that could help export the Jasmine revolution to SSA. For one, people from both parts of the continent are flustered by the rising cost of basic necessities due to skyrocketing food prices. Secondly, there is chronic unemployment level among the youth and disillusionment with the corrupt aging political elites in both NA and SSA. Thirdly, both region boast of demography where young jobless youth made up a whopping 70% of the population.

But most importantly, people in both regions share deep-rooted frustrations with the dearth of political freedom, widespread human right abuses and general despair over prospects of brighter future. In NA, Ben Ali rule for 28 years and Mubarak was in power for 30 years. Ben Ali, Mubarak, and Muammar Gaddafi of Libya groomed their sons to take over power from them.

Similarly in SSA, we have uncle Mugabe of Zimbabwe (31 years in power), El Beshir of the Sudan (22 years of ruling) and Museveni of Uganda (of 25 years rule and counting). These SSA leaders, among numerous others are accused of egregious corruptions, and possible grooming of their sons. Museveni, for instance, is said to be grooming his son who is now the head of Ugandan Special forces, the elite unit of the Ugandan national army—the UPDF.

In view of the fact that these factors helped triggered the revolts in NA, it is logically sound to speculate that they could still pushed the currently disheartened and submissive masses in SSA to the edge and onto the streets just as they did in both Tunis and Cairo.

But as there are similarities in both regions, so are there conspicuous differences. The foremost case in point is the breed of citizens who organized and led the demonstration in Tunisia and Egypt. The vanguard of rebellion in NA was led by a technologically connected and highly educated youth back up by a rising middle class living in urban cities. SSA, relative to NA, has no sizeable middle class concentrated in urban centers, generally lack adequate access to the internet, Facebook, Twitter or Foursquare etc.

Take Egypt for instead, the city of Cairo alone has a population of over 20 million with per capita income of approximately $10, 000 and a literacy rate of over 72%. Tunisia, on the other hand, has a national literacy rate of about 75% with great concentration of moderately wealthy middle class in Tunis and other major urban centers. Without this kind of citizenry in place, the Jasmine revolution would never have seen the light of the day.

Essentially, the uprisings in NA were mostly confined to the urban cities of Cairo and Tunis where the rising middle class dissatisfactions with the ruling elites reached a boiling point and erupted irreversibly. The existence of highly sophisticated urban societies in NA that is technologically connected to the world help inspired the Facebook and Twitter revolution.

SSA, on the contrary, has no highly educated, technologically connected, politically savvy and blossoming urban middle class. Instead are found the technologically disconnected and highly illiterate marooning youth among major cities of SSA. Lack of internet access or low penetration compounded by the evils of pronounced ethnic allegiances and blind respect for authority have produced politically ignorance mass who can’t rescue themselves from the profligacy of their egotistical leaders.

The old saying that “Ignorance is bliss” still sways in this part of the world. Thus, the citizens of SSA are not likely to realize and capitalize on the relationship between technology and the new found power to challenge entrenched leadership in their backyards.

The second differences is on the (im)partiality of the national army. There is no doubt that the downfall of Ben Ali in Tunisia and Mubarak in Egypt was made possible, or rather precipitated, by the neutrality of the national army. Had they taken side and shored up the regime, we would have witnessed a different story; one that would have delineated the line of either the Chinese Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989 or the 2009 Iranian brutal crackdown on the Green Movement (the Green Movement is slowly crawling back to life, thanks to the Jasmine Revolution, and there was a big demonstration in Tehran yesterday).

The majority of national armies in SSA are like private militias of the incumbent president. This is always the case simply because Africa leaders do staff top positions of the national army with their close relatives. The president is therefore so close to the army that it would be hard to get the army on the side of the people like what happened in both Tunisia and Egypt where the army tilted the balance of power on behalf of the people when they refused to enforced martial arts rule.

The best illustration and possible guide into the likely role of the army in SSA was best portrayed when presidential elections were bitterly contested in Kenya, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Ivory Coast. The army simply sided with the incumbents and beat up the protesters. While their counterparts in NA are being toppled in popular mass uprisings, dictatorial aging leaders in the SSA are recycling themselves into power by abusing democratic processes.

This sometimes resulted in the formation of unstable coalition governments in Sub-Saharan Africa, the latest fashion or reinvention for the aging dictatorial regimes. And because disputed elections produce stalemates at best or bogus government at worst, the very socio-geopolitical stability democracy promises the citizens is irreparably strained.

It will remain to be seen what effects, if any, the Jasmine revolution will have on the SSA countries. In the past, Sub-Saharan African leaders might have been either too preoccupied with corruption or too rich to care about the people. However, this is likely to change in the light of this new unprecedented and unanticipated development that is sweeping away entrenched bad leadership.

It is possible that the leaders of SSA countries may introduce some cosmetic reforms to ward off any forbidding street demonstrations. But unless and until serious socio-economic and political reforms are carried out, there would be always a real danger of a Jasmine-like revolution occurring in the Sub-Saharan African countries.

These deep-seated exasperation among the young, hungry and angry youth over poor job prospects and unaccountable governing ruling class may come to pass in countries such as Zimbabwe, Uganda, Sudan, Gabon, Ethiopia, Morocco, Eritrea, Equatorial Guinea, Burkina Faso, Libya, Swaziland, Togo, Central African Republic and/or Cameroon.

PaanLuel Wël can be reached at paanluel2011@gmail.com or through his blog: http://paanluel2011.blogspot.com/