Tribocracy: The New Political Philosophy for the New Country (Part 2)

For the Republic of South Sudan to avoid the pitfalls of her fellow African countries and be politically and socio-economically successful, she must fully embrace and constitutionally legalize tribalism as a system of political representation in the constitution of government at the local, state, and regional government and especially in the national governments based in Juba.

Dr. Riek Machar (left), Greater Upper Nile Region, Salva Kiir (middle), Greater Bahr el Ghazal, and James Wani Igga (right), Greater Equatoria Region. Photo: Boboya Simon Wudu/ sudanvotes.com/Getty Images.

By PaanLuel Wel, Washington DC, USA

August 4, 2011 (SSNA) — Though South Sudanese are yet to know and witness the final shape and form of the forthcoming new cabinet, it is now official that the full composition of the post-independence South Sudan Legislative Assembly (SSLA), or the bicameral National Legislative Assembly (NLA) as it has been re-christened, has been identified, constituted and decreed by President Salva Kiir Mayaardit.  According to the Presidential Decree No.10/2011 for the Transformation and Reconstitution of the National Legislative Assembly of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011, the fully-fledged SSLA is now composed of an astronomical number of not less than 382 honorable members of the bicameral house.

Of these, 170 are the old 2010 elected members; 96 members are the political refugees displaced from the Government of National Unity in Khartoum, April 2011, in the wake of South Sudan successful secession, 50 members are the South Sudanese members of the Council of States from Khartoum, and the remaining 66 members are the Benydit Kiir political cronyists, who, I suppose, had to be politically accommodated to deny the devil the opportunity to use them to destabilize the country. It appear Benydit Kiir and Kuormedit Machar are rationalizing that their government, hence their coveted positions, would be politically secured if only they could take care of these small fish. And what is the better way to make an ally, even for a day, out of potential political rivals than bringing him/her to your side where he/she could indulge in the warmth of the wealth-generating fire around Benydit?

That as it may be, there is one burning question that South Sudanese are dying to know: is the newly-decreed South Sudan Legislative Assembly constituted tribocratically? That is to say, is it a regionally-balanced political appointment and a tribally-fair and -transparent political representation according to the respective population sizes of those parameters? Whether the finding to that query is in the affirmative or not would, indubitably, be a harbinger to the composition of the looming cabinet.

In this second part of “Tribocracy: The New Political Philosophy for the New Country,” I am going to tribocratically dissect and analyze the just announced South Sudan Legislative Assembly at the regional level. Secondly, I am going to propose the regional composition, based on the principle of tribocracy, of the yet-to be revealed Cabinet of the Republic of South Sudan. I have widely and exhaustively discussed the meaning and the indispensableness of tribocracy as the new proposed political philosophy of governance in the new Republic South Sudan in part one of “Tribocracy: The New Political Philosophy for the New Country.”

It therefore suffice, here, to briefly state that whereas tribalism is “a form of government where representatives of a particular ethnic group hold a number of government posts disproportionately large to the percentage of the total population that the particular ethnic group(s) represents and use them to advance the position of their particular ethnic group(s) to the detriment of others;” tribocracy, the opposite twin sister and her true panacea, on the other hand, is a political system, to paraphrase the same quote, where representatives of a particular ethnic group hold a number of government posts proportionate to the percentage of the total population that the particular ethnic group(s) represents in order to promote and achieve fair and equitable political representation across all ethnic groups that comprise and form that particular nation.

Tribocracy at the Regional Level

According to the record of the South Sudan Census Commissioner, Hon. Isaiah Chol Aruai, the current population of the Republic of South Sudan, based on the May 2009 Sudan fifth population and housing census, stand at approximately 8.26 millions.  At the states level, Jonglei state has about 1.36 million; Central Equatoria state about 1.10 million; Warrap state about 0.97 millions; Upper Nile about 0.96 million; Eastern Eqatoria state about 0.91 millions; Northern Bahr el Ghazal about 0.72 millions; Lakes state about 0.695 million; Western Equatoria state about 0.62 millions; Unity state about 0.585 millions and Western Bahr el Ghazal with about 0.33 million.

Regionally speaking, therefore, Greater Upper Nile region—comprising three states of Jonglei, Unity, and Upper Nile—would have about 2.91 million people. Greater Bahr el Ghazal region, which is made up of four states of Warrap, Lakes, Northern Bahr el Ghazal, and Western Bahr el Ghazal, would score around 2.72 million people. Finally, Greater Equatoria region, composed of three states of Central Equatoria, Eastern Eqatoria and Western Equatoria, would get about 2.63 million inhabitants.

Thus, from the total population of 8.26 million citizens of the Republic of South Sudan, 35% of them reside in Greater Upper Nile region, 33% in Greater Bahr el Ghazal region, while 32% live in Greater Equatoria region. Tribocratically speaking, that mean that in term of an equitable and fair political representation in the national government in Juba, Greater Upper Nile region should get 35% share of the seats in Juba, and Greater Bahr el Ghazal should take home 33% share of the seats while Greater Equatoria region should pocket the remaining percentage of 32%.

That political arrangement would, of course, be applicable to, and implementable at, both the composition of the South Sudan National Assembly as well as the forthcoming cabinet appointment. Tell me, which region would have the audacity to complain of political marginalization; discriminative under-representation; disproportionate underdevelopment, political neglect and/or tribalism in political appointments were that to be the legal political framework under which President Salva Kiir decrees and political appointments are informed and based on?

Now let’s go back to the burning question we just broached before at the beginning of this article that South Sudanese can’t wait to find out: is the current SSLA/NLA composition tribocratically informed? I mean, based on the three Greater regions we have in respective to their populations we just saw not-long ago, is the current decreed Assembly regionally balanced? Are all regions politically represented in the national assembly proportionally to their population?

To ascertain whether or not there is tribocratic representation in the newly decreed national assembly, we must analyze the list itself in terms of the names and the regions they originate from. Based on the Presidential Decree No.10/2011 for the Transformation and Reconstitution of the National Legislative Assembly of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011, there are about 92 members from Greater Upper Nile region, approximately 88 members from Greater Bahr el Ghazal region and close to 86 members from Greater Equatoria region (with generous allowance, of course, for a possible statistical error due to my own human error in arithmetic.) This calculation does not include the new 66 presidential appointees or the 50 South Sudanese members of the Council of States from Khartoum. The states of origin for the last two groups are not provided in the list of the presidential decree. Hence it is a daunting task to classify them regionally.

In percentage proportionality, these figures, miraculously or by design, translate into about 35% for Greater Upper Nile region, 33% for Greater Bahr el Ghazal region, and 32% for Greater Equatoria region. Correspondingly, in term of population size, Greater Upper Nile region lead with 35%, follow by Greater Bahr el Ghazal region with 33% and then lastly Greater Equatoria region with 32% of the total population. Therefore, it is fairly accurate to inferentially conclude that there is fair and equitable representation of seats base on the proportional strength of each Greater region according to their respective population. And since this article is about tribocracry on regional level only, I will not delve into the state level here, at least for now.

The People Cabinet

By sheer coincidence or by meticulous regional balancing act by the president, we have seen that the recently decreed SSLA/NLA somehow met and satisfied the principle of tribocratic system; at least for those figures we have analyzed. There is a discernable political equality in the sharing of the political seats in the South Sudan Legislative Assembly across the three regions, namely, Greater Upper Nile, Greater Bahr el Ghazal and the Greater Equatoria region. Therefore, as far as the post-independence SSLA is concerned, tribocracy has been effected and no region would begrudge the president on the ground of political discrimination.

If we apply the same tribocratic principle on the formation of the pending cabinet, how would it look like? Which ministries would go to which region and why? In the determination of how many and which ministries would be given to which region, we must, in addition to tribocratic model, acknowledge that not all ministries carry equal weights. This is because some ministries, Finance or defence for instance, are more valuable and highly-sought after than, say ministry of gender or forestry.

Thus, two factors that would guide us in the allocation of ministries to the three regions are the weights attached to each of the ministries under consideration and the proportional share of each region in the national government based on its population. Consequently, the next cabinet, if it were to be appointed on the basis of tribocracy, would have 35% of the seats going to the Greater Upper Nile region of Jonglei, Unity and Upper Nile States. The four states of Greater Bahr el Ghazal region—Warrap, Lakes, Western Bahr el Ghazal and Northern Bahr el Ghazal—would take 33% share of the cabinet seats while Greater Equatoria—comprising of Central, Western and Eastern Equatoria states—would bag 32% share of the cabinet portfolios.

Considering that President Kiir has promised South Sudanese a lean and broad-based cabinet this time round, say 22-25 members instead of the current 32 members, how will it look like if it were predestined on and by the principle of tribocracy? Tribocratically appointed, the final numbers that would make up the new cabinet won’t matter as much as the fact that 35% of the seats should be allocate to Greater Upper Nile region, 33% to Greater Bahr el Ghazal region and 32% to Greater Equatoria region. Secondly, the most plum ministerial posts—Legal affairs, Defense, finance, presidency, vice presidency, Interior or internal affairs ministry, foreign affairs, Speaker post, (SPLM SG post) etc.—must all be share equally among the three Greater regions of the Republic of South Sudan.

So what is the final outcome of the deliberation? Below are the tribocratically proposed list of the new cabinet of the Republic of South Sudan according to the wills and wishes of the majority of its citizen:

The Tribocratic Proposed list of the New Cabinet of the Republic of South Sudan according to the wills and wishes of the citizens of the Republic of South Sudan

1. The Tentative Cabinet of the Republic of South Sudan

S/N	Ministry	Region
1	Office of the President	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
2	Office of the Vice President	Greater Upper Nile
3	The Speaker of the National Legislative Assembly	Greater Equatoria
4	SPLM Secretary General Office	Greater Upper Nile
5	Cabinet Affairs	Greater Equatoria
6	Ministry of Defense/SPLA and Veteran Affairs	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
7	Legal Affairs and Constitutional Development	Greater Upper Nile
8	Foreign Affairs/Regional Co-operation	Greater Equatoria
9	Interior/Internal Affairs	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
10	Labor and Public Services	Greater Upper Nile
11	Parliamentary Affairs	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
12	Finance and Economic Planning	Greater Equatoria
13	Road and Transport	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
14	Agriculture and Forestry	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
15	Animal Resource and Fisheries	Greater Upper Nile
16	Co-operative and Rural Development	Greater Upper Nile
17	Energy and Mining/Oil	Greater Upper Nile
18	Commerce and Industry	Greater Upper Nile
19	Wildlife Conservation and Tourism	Greater Upper Nile
20	Irrigation and Water Resources	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
21	Housing and Physical Planning	Greater Equatoria
22	Education	Greater Equatoria
23	Health	Greater Equatoria
24	Information	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
25	Communication and Postal Services	Greater Upper Nile
26	Gender, Social Welfare and Religious Affairs	Greater Equatoria
27	Culture and Heritage	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
28	Investment	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
29	Human Resource and Development	Greater Equatoria
30	Environment	Greater Equatoria
31	Higher Education, Science and Technology	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
32	Youth, Sport and Recreation	Greater Upper Nile
33	Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management	Greater Equatoria
34	Peace and CPA Implementation Affairs	Greater Upper Nile

How the People Cabinet was Arrived at.

I have been patient enough waiting for President Kiir to make public his new cabinet line-up before I could propose mine. But since he is dragging his feet and taking too long to make known the new composition of the cabinet, I have taken the liberty, gone ahead and proposed mine, guided by the spirit of tribocracy at the regional level. Above, as it is below here too, is my proposed shape and form of the cabinet that president Kiir would unveil soon in Juba, maybe this week. For the sake of convenience and familiarity, I have stuck to the original 34 membership as the total number of cabinet portfolios which would, of course, be revised when the exact number is revealed.

I have, as you have surely recognized, included some relevant positions which are not really part of the cabinet portfolio but are still nevertheless relevant in the balancing act of all important political positions in the country. This is so as to give a clear picture of why and how which region got what ministry and not the other one and vice-versa.

Given that we are basing our arithmetic on the proposed 34 positions to be shared out among the three Greater regions each according to its share of the country total population, we are going to end up with the following outcomes: Greater Upper Nile, the most populous region in the country, will scoop 12 ministries (35% x 34 = 11.9); Greater Bahr el Ghazal will get 11 ministries of the total 34 ministries (33% x 34 = 11.22) and Greater Equatoria region will secured itself about 11 ministries too (32% x 34 = 11.88).

As for which particular ministry should or must go to which region, all I can say is that that is the trickiest part as I found out the hard way when I assembled my small think tank of three people, each representing one of the three regions. The rule of the game was that four positions—presidency, vice presidency, speaker of the national legislative assembly and the SPLM SG post—are all predetermined and therefore should be left that way. The second rule was that Greater Equatoria region must be given the first two choices to pick any two ministries of their choice in order to compensate for the loss of the presidency and the vice presidency which are already legally assigned.

The third rule was that each region thereafter must pick one ministry when it turn comes and any ministry that has already been taken is non-negotiation; that is, it can’t be claimed by anyone else picking afterward for you can only choose from the pools of ministries that are still up for grabs on the table. The fourth rule was that some ministries that have more relevancies to particular regions must be assigned to those regions. Energy and mining, for example, should be given to Greater Upper Nile region since the oil is mined in Unity state or any ministry that deals with land issues such as the Housing and Physical Planning ministry should be allocated to Greater Equatoria region since land around Juba has been part of our national headache and would be better handle by someone from that area to assuage the fear of land grabbing.

And since Greater Bahr el Ghazal was assumed to have made the first choice in the presidency and the Greater Upper Nile in the vice presidency, it was the turn of the Greater Equatoria region to pick the first two ministries of their choices before the next chance would fall on Greater Bahr el Ghazal and so forth and so on till each region attain her mandatory quota of the cabinet positions as calculated above. But no sooner did we start the process than it abruptly ground into a halt, just a few minutes after we commenced the deliberation. Though each of the representatives was given an opportunity to make his best choice given what was on the table, it seem each and every representative was never satisfied with one chance at a time.

For example, a representative from Greater Upper Nile or Greater Equatoria would pick, say, ministry X, while at the same time demanding that none of the next two guys should touch ministry Y and Z because, he assumed, those ministries should belong to them too, in total disregard to rule number three above. As the process got halfway, the representatives actually began threatening to walk out from the process itself claiming unfairness and political coercion if not given certain ministries which they had failed to pick when it was their turn and which are now already chosen.

As I found myself between the rock and the hard wall, I began to realize why President Salva Kiir is yet to announce his cabinet. I started appreciating the political dilemma he is up to in real life given how I got myself entangled into this mess by just mere hypothetically cabinet line-ups. In fact, my assembled think-tank broke up in disarray and I had to arbitrarily assigned some of the ministries that they could not agree on since they failed to arrive at a compromised formula over who should take which and why.

Though I pride myself on being a confirmed liberal democrat—of course one that is modified and Africanized into tribocracy—I could not help myself longing for some kind of special powers to tame and calm the rowdy team. Little wonder that authoritarianism is such a prized system of governance in the People Republic of China. It get things done at the quickest and the most efficient way available without inviting in the unnecessary debate which is done, sometimes, for the sake of itself, just to make oneself present known and to comfort oneself ego.

To recoup the main point and make things much more easier and in deeper perspective for you, below are the tribocratically proposed list of the new cabinet of the Republic of South Sudan with each ministry placed according to the region it is allocated to:

                                 1. Greater Upper Nile Region

s/n	Ministries Allocated to the Greater Upper Nile Region	Region
1	Office of the Vice President	Greater Upper Nile Region
2	SPLM Secretary General Office	Greater Upper Nile Region
3	Legal Affairs and Constitutional Development	Greater Upper Nile Region
4	Energy and Mining/Oil	Greater Upper Nile Region
5	Animal Resource and Fisheries	Greater Upper Nile Region
6	Co-operative and Rural Development	Greater Upper Nile Region
7	Wildlife Conservation and Tourism	Greater Upper Nile Region
8	Labor and Public Services	Greater Upper Nile Region
9	Communication and Postal Services	Greater Upper Nile Region
10	Commerce and Industry	Greater Upper Nile Region
11	Youth, Sport and Recreation	Greater Upper Nile Region
12	Peace and CPA Implementation Affairs	Greater Upper Nile Region

2. Greater Bahr el Ghazal Region

s/n	Ministries Allocated to the Greater Bahr el Ghazal Region	Region
1	Office of the President	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
2	Ministry of Defense/SPLA Affairs	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
3	Interior/Internal Affairs	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
4	Information	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
5	Agriculture and Forestry	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
6	Parliamentary Affairs	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
7	Irrigation and Water Resources	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
8	Higher Education, Science and Technology	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
9	Road and Transport	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
10	Investment	Greater Bahr el Ghazal
11	Culture and Heritage	Greater Bahr el Ghazal

3. Greater Equatoria Region

s/n	Ministries Allocated to the Greater Equatoria Region	Region
1	The Speaker of the National Legislative Assembly	Greater Equatoria Region
2	Finance and Economic Planning	Greater Equatoria Region
3	Foreign Affairs/Regional Co-operation	Greater Equatoria Region
4	Human Resource and Development	Greater Equatoria Region
5	Cabinet Affairs	Greater Equatoria Region
6	Environment	Greater Equatoria Region
7	Education	Greater Equatoria Region
8	Housing and Physical Planning	Greater Equatoria Region
9	Health	Greater Equatoria Region
10	Gender, Social Welfare and Religious Affairs	Greater Equatoria Region
11	Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management	Greater Equatoria Region

As you can infer from the list, the fact that the cabinet could be a lean and broad-based one does not matter here because the ratio of political representation would still hold at all levels and in all numbers. For instance, should the President, who has already decreed a bicameral house of a humongous 382 members, decide to respect his words and unveil a cabinet of only 22 members as highly speculated, we can just readjust and recalculate that the three greater regions would each have the following portfolios: Greater Upper Nile 8 positions, Greater Bahr el Ghazal 7 positions, and Greater Equatoria 7 positions.

The issue of partisan inclusiveness and broad-basedness would get addressed at the regional level and is therefore not an issue at all. It is rather more of a political consideration than being a tribalistic or a political marginalization. After all, democracy has no room for political accommodation of the political losers. It is a winner-take-all scenario.

I am hesitant to name names for the ministries mentioned above because what matter is equality in political representation at the regional level, not who exactly is holding the office. If there were to be one ministry to be allocated to the Collo people, to take as an example, whether it is Hon. Pagan Amum or Dr. Lam Akol that take the office is not a problem to the Collo people so long as one of their own is in charge.

As we debate and digest the above proposed list of the forthcoming South Sudan Cabinet, let’s wait and see what Benydit Salva Kiir Mayaardit has in store for us, South Sudanese. Meanwhile, get content in the distraction the above list may present to you and your pre-conceived notion of whatever you want to see come that long awaited Cabinet.

You can reach PaanLuel Wël at paanluel2011@gmail.com (email address), PaanLuel Wel (Facebook page), PaanLuelWel2011 (Twitter account) or through his blog account at: https://paanluelwel2011.wordpress.com//

“State actor” behind slew of cyber attacks

BOSTON (Reuters) – Security experts have discovered an unprecedented series of cyber attacks on the networks of 72 organizations globally, including the United Nations, governments and corporations, over a five-year period.

Security company McAfee, which uncovered the intrusions, said it believed there was one “state actor” behind the attacks but declined to name it, though several other security experts said the evidence points to China.

The long list of victims in the extended campaign include the governments of the United States, Taiwan, India, South Korea, Vietnam and Canada; the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN); the International Olympic Committee (IOC); the World Anti-Doping Agency; and an array of companies, from defense contractors to high-tech enterprises.

In the case of the United Nations, the hackers broke into the computer system of its secretariat in Geneva in 2008, hid there for nearly two years, and quietly combed through reams of secret data, according to McAfee.

“Even we were surprised by the enormous diversity of the victim organizations and were taken aback by the audacity of the perpetrators,” McAfee’s vice president of threat research, Dmitri Alperovitch, wrote in a 14-page report released on Wednesday.

“What is happening to all this data … is still largely an open question. However, if even a fraction of it is used to build better competing products or beat a competitor at a key negotiation (due to having stolen the other team’s playbook), the loss represents a massive economic threat.”

McAfee learned of the extent of the hacking campaign in March this year, when its researchers discovered logs of the attacks while reviewing the contents of a “command and control” server that they had discovered in 2009 as part of an investigation into security breaches at defense companies.

It dubbed the attacks “Operation Shady RAT” and said the earliest breaches date back to mid-2006, though there might have been other intrusions. (RAT stands for “remote access tool,” a type of software that hackers and security experts use to access computer networks from afar).

Some of the attacks lasted just a month, but the longest — on the Olympic Committee of an unidentified Asian nation — went on and off for 28 months, according to McAfee.

“Companies and government agencies are getting raped and pillaged every day. They are losing economic advantage and national secrets to unscrupulous competitors,” Alperovitch told Reuters.

“This is the biggest transfer of wealth in terms of intellectual property in history,” he said. “The scale at which this is occurring is really, really frightening.”

CHINA CONNECTION?

Alperovitch said that McAfee had notified all 72 victims of the attacks, which are under investigation by law enforcement agencies around the world. He declined to give more details.

Jim Lewis, a cyber expert with the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said it was very likely China was behind the campaign because some of the targets had information that would be of particular interest to Beijing.

The systems of the IOC and several national Olympic Committees were breached before the 2008 Beijing Games. And China views Taiwan as a renegade province, and political issues between them remain contentious even as economic ties have strengthened in recent years.

“Everything points to China. It could be the Russians, but there is more that points to China than Russia,” Lewis said.

McAfee, acquired by Intel Corp this year, would not comment on whether China was responsible.

There was no comment from China on the report.

The U.N. said it was aware of the report, and had started an investigation to ascertain if there was an intrusion.

A U.S. Defense Department spokeswoman, Air Force Lieutenant Colonel April Cunningham, said “it is unknown who is perpetrating these intrusions.”

“With regard to China, we reported to Congress in 2010 that China is actively pursuing cyber capabilities with a focus on the exfiltration of information, some of which could be of strategic or military utility,” Cunningham said.

White House spokesman Jay Carney declined to comment on the report’s findings but said U.S. President Barack Obama viewed cybersecurity as a top priority and was working to tighten the defenses of both the government and private sector.

U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano said, “We obviously will evaluate it, look at it and pursue what needs to be pursued in terms of its content.”

Britain’s electronic spy agency told Reuters the McAfee report highlighted the need for international cooperation as cyber security challenges were transnational.

“Attribution for attacks in cyberspace is always difficult. But whoever is responsible, this report is another reminder of the need for effective cyber-security,” said a spokeswoman for the Government Communications Headquarters, one of the three main arms of British intelligence.

STONE AGE

Vijay Mukhi, a cyber-expert based in India, said some South Asian governments were highly vulnerable to hacking from China.

“I’m not surprised because that’s what China does, they are gradually dominating the cyberworld,” he said. “I would call it child’s play (for a hacker to get access to Indian government data) … I would say we’re in the stone age.”

In Taiwan, an official of the Criminal Investigation Bureau, which has a cyber crime unit, said he had no knowledge of the McAfee report but added there had been no cases in recent years of hacking of government websites.

An official from the Japanese trade ministry’s information security policy team said it was difficult to determine whether a specific government lay behind a cyber attack “although we see which countries the attacks originate from.”

McAfee released the report to coincide with the start of the Black Hat conference in Las Vegas, an annual meeting of security professionals who promote security and fight cyber crime.

(Additional reporting from Tom Miles in Geneva, Jack Kim in Seoul, James Pomfret in New Delhi, William Maclean in London, Laura MacInnis and Jeremy Pelofsky in Washington; editing by Tiffany Wu, Martin Howell, Ron Popeski, Ed Lane, Eric Walsh, Bill Trott and Matthew Lewis)

SOUTH SUDAN INDEPENDENCE DECLARATION READ BY JAMES WANI IGGA ON JULY 9TH, 2011

Full text of Independence Declaration.

The following is the full text of the Declaration of Independence of South Sudan as read by the Rt. Hon. James Wani Igga, Speaker of the Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly. It was read at an open parliamentary session (sitting number 27-2011) of the Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly at approximately 1.30pm (local time) on 9 July 2011. The Declaration was read in front of a large assembled audience at the Dr. John Garang Mausoleum in Juba, South Sudan.

SOUTH SUDAN INDEPENDENCE DECLARATION

SOUTHERN SUDAN LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY

RECALLING the long and heroic struggle of our people for justice, freedom, equality, human dignity and political and economic emancipation;

CONSIDERING the years of conflict and the immeasurable sufferings of our people resulting from the conflict between North and Southern Sudan;

HAVING RESOLVED to overcome the past and face the future with a renewed sense of hope and in the spirit of forgiveness and reconciliation;

APPROVING that the authority of this Assembly and the Government of Southern Sudan emanates from the will of the people of Southern Sudan;

RESPONDING to the popular will of the people of Southern Sudan expressed in the historic January 2011 referendum in which they overwhelmingly voted 98.83% for the secession and the establishment of a separate independent and sovereign state in Southern Sudan in exercise of their right to self-determination guaranteed under the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) 2005, the Interim National Constitution of the Republic of Sudan 2005 and the Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan 2005;

CONFIRMING that the January 2011 referendum was conducted in a transparent manner by the national Government of Sudan in cooperation with the Government of Southern Sudan and the international community and that its outcome was confirmed by all these bodies;

RESOLVED to establish a system of governance that upholds the rule of law, justice, democracy, human rights and respect for diversity;

COMMITTED to contributing to international peace and security, regional stability and the resolution of conflicts through peaceful means in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, the Constitutive Act of the African Union and international law; and

REMEMBERING AND HONOURING the selfless sacrifices of our martyrs, heroes and heroines who relentlessly struggled and sacrificed for the cause of justice, freedom and prosperity for our people,

HEREBY MAKES the following Declaration:

THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF SOUTH SUDAN, NO. 1

We, the democratically elected representatives of the people, based on the will of the people of Southern Sudan and as confirmed by the outcome of the referendum on self determination, hereby declare Southern Sudan to be an independent and sovereign state.

[Ends]

Link:

• Broadcast of Declaration of Independence (also the source for the above) –http://tinyurl.com/647pb5f

Mubarak on Trial, in Stark Image of Arab Upheaval

Egyptian State Television, via Associated Press

This video image taken from Egyptian State Television shows Hosni Mubarak lying on a hospital bed inside a cage of mesh in a courtroom in Cairo on Wednesday.

By ANTHONY SHADID

CAIRO — An ailing Hosni Mubarak, who served longer than any ruler of modern Egypt until he was overthrown in a revolution in February, was rolled into a courtroom in a hospital bed on Wednesday to face formal charges of corruption and complicity in the killing of protesters. The televised trial was a seminal moment for Egypt and an Arab world roiled by revolt.

Is it a necessary step toward democratic reconciliation or does it raise risks of more anarchy and a violent military crackdown?

Supporters of Hosni Mubarak outside the Police Military Academy complex where his trial began on Wednesday.

Even the most ardent in calling for his prosecution doubted until hours before the trial began that Mr. Mubarak, 83, would appear in a cage fashioned of bars and wire mesh, a reflection of the suspicion and unease that reigns in a country whose revolution remains unresolved. As a helicopter ferried him to the courtroom, housed in a police academy that once bore his name, cheers went up from a crowd gathered outside.

“The criminal is coming!” shouted Maged Wahba, a 40-year-old lawyer.

The sheer symbolism of the day, covered live by television and watched by millions, made it one of the most visceral episodes in the Arab world, where uprisings have shaken the rule of authoritarian leaders. In a region whose destiny was so long determined by rulers who deemed their people unfit to rule, one of those rulers was being tried by his public. On this day, the aura of power — uncontested and distant — was made mundane, and Mr. Mubarak, the former president, dressed in white and bearing a look some read as disdain, was humbled.

“The first defendant, Mohammed Hosni al-Sayyid Mubarak,” the judge, Ahmed Rifaat, said, speaking to the cage holding Mr. Mubarak and his co-defendants — his two sons, Gamal and Alaa, former Interior Minister Habib el-Adly and six other senior police officers.

“Sir, I am present,” Mr. Mubarak replied into a microphone, from his bed.

“You heard the charges that the prosecutor made against you,” the judge said from his podium in the wood-paneled courtroom. “What do you say?”

“I deny all these accusations completely,” he replied, wearily waving his hand. Then he handed the microphone to his son Gamal.

With those words, the reverberations of those epic protests in Tahrir Square were incarnated in one man, Mr. Mubarak, who last appeared in public on Feb. 10, when he uttered a phrase that suggested the heedlessness of absolute authority. “It’s not about me,” he said then, to the disbelief of hundreds of thousands demonstrating in his capital. On this day, television captured him picking his nose. The two lines were the only words he uttered to the judge. Hard of hearing, Mr. Mubarak looked to his son to repeat the judge’s question to him.

“God brings glory to whoever he wants and humiliates whoever he wants,” several onlookers said, quoting a verse from the Koran, as Mr. Mubarak appeared on the screen.

The trial began precisely at its start time, 10 a.m. While the other defendants took a seat, Mr. Mubarak’s sons remained standing, the youngest, Gamal, seeming to block the view of his father from the cameras in the courtroom. Mr. Mubarak appeared tired but alert, occasionally speaking with his sons, who both held Korans.

As Mr. Mubarak denied the charges in the proceedings, which were broadcast on a huge television outside the police academy, his opponents gathered there roared in disapproval.

“Then who did it?” some asked.

The scene was tumultuous there on a sun-drenched parking lot, with a few dozen of Mr. Mubarak’s supporters sharing space with his opponents. At times, they scuffled; in intermittent clashes, the two sides threw rocks at each other. As Mr. Mubarak arrived at the courtroom, some of his supporters cried, waving pictures that read, “The insult to Mubarak is an insult to all honorable Egyptians.” Others shouted adulation at the screen.

“We love you, Mr. President!,” some chanted.

Those sentiments were overwhelmed by the denunciations of his critics, in a trial that, for a moment, seemed to represent all the frustrations and degradations of a state that treated its people as rabble. Someone was finally being held to account, many said.

“Today is a triumph over 30 years of tragedy,” said Fathi Farouk, a 50-year-old pharmacist who brought his family to watch the trial outside the academy. “We suffered for 30 years, and today is our a victory. It’s a victory for the Egyptian people.”

Is it a necessary step toward democratic reconciliation or does it raise risks of more anarchy and a violent military crackdown?

The trial has transfixed a turbulent Arab world, where autocrats in Libya, Syria, Yemen and Bahrain have all been challenged by rebellion. Some Arab officials have said the very spectacle of the trial — a president and members of his family, along with his retinue of officials facing charges — would make those leaders all the more reluctant to step down. On the very day Mr. Mubarak’s trial began, President Bashar al-Assad of Syria escalated his own crackdown on a city at the heart of the uprising against him.

But many gathered here said Arabs should take the opposite lesson from the proceedings. “All of the Arab world has to know that any leader who makes his people suffer will face this fate,” Mr. Farouk said. “From today, history will never be the same.”

Indeed, the country was awash in cries for justice, calls for vengeance and, not uncommon, expressions of regret for the fate of an old man who never seemed quite as loathsome as some of his contemporaries. There was fascination at the spectacle itself. “I am dreaming,” said Hossam Mohammed, as he watched the trial. “Somebody pinch me.” Others saw a reckoning with the past.

“When you enter the cage yourself, then you’re freed after the revolution, then you see the one who imprisoned you and his kids in the cage, it’s a magnificent scene,” said Yehia Khalaf, a former Islamic militant jailed for 18 years under Mr. Mubarak.

Mr. Mubarak’s health had remained an issue before the proceedings. Since April, when he was first accused of the charges, he has resided in a hospital in the Sinai resort of Sharm el Sheik, a favorite retreat during his time in power. There were reports that he had stopped eating, become depressed and lapsed into a coma, but Egypt’s health minister said the former president was well enough to make the trip to the police academy in the capital.

Only the 600 people with permits were allowed inside the courtroom, along with civil rights lawyers and a small number of the families of protesters killed in the uprising.

As late as Wednesday morning, there was speculation that Mr. Mubarak would not appear, given the remarkable humiliation that the trial represented. The military council of 19 generals that has led Egypt since the revolution seemed loath to put one of their own — their former commander, no less — in a courtroom; in fact, many speculated that the council hoped he might die before the date arrived. But frustration has grown lately at the military council, whose decisions are opaque at a time that Egypt feels unmoored and especially anxious, and some people believed that the threat of even more protests had forced the military’s hand.

“This trial is going to end a lot of our problems and restore the trust between the revolutionaries and the military council,” said Ahmed Gamal, a 65-year-old retiree, who planned to watch the trial from beginning to end. “This is the most important thing.”

Much of the trial’s opening was occupied by procedural matters, but even that came as a surprise, as many expected a quick adjournment. Mr. Mubarak and his sons were not even read their charges until the trial’s second hour, after a brief recess. Wednesday’s sessions lasted about four hours and was then adjourned until Aug. 15.

The judge promised speedy proceedings, though no one seemed to know whether that meant weeks, months or longer. Egyptian officials said Mr. Mubarak would remain in the capital for the duration of the trial, staying at a hospital on Cairo’s outskirts.

Mr. Mubarak, the former interior minister and the six officers are charged in connection with killing protesters. The charges can carry the death penalty. Mr. Mubarak and his sons also face charges of corruption, though the accusations — that they received five villas to help a businessman buy state land at a cheaper price — paled before some of the more epic cases of corruption in a country riddled with patronage and misrule.

The spectacle of the trial, though, seemed to matter more than the charges.

As a headline in a popular Egyptian newspaper read: “The Day of Judgment.”

The SPLM/A Red Army: genesis, perception, stages, objectives and achievements

By Joseph Garang Deng

Introduction:

When the second war broke out in Bor town in Jonglei State on the 16^th May 1983, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army /Movement (SPLA/ M) was immediately formed by the southern Sudanese who were disappointed by the bad governance by the Khartoum-based government. The majority of the former Sudanese army, intellectuals, students and peasants joined the rank and file of the SPLM/A. Among these were young boys who joined the movement voluntarily or were mobilized by the SPLM/A for one reason or the other.

This article covers several perspectives of the Red Army. It specifically seeks to answer questions like: What is the genesis of the “Red Army”? Who is the SPLM/A Red Army? How do people perceive the SPLM/A Red Army? How many stages of development has the SPLM/A Red Army has undergone? What were the objectives the SPLM/A Red Army was formed? To what extent has these objectives been achieved? What are the expectations of the Red Army from their SPLM/A-based government after having brought the independence?

Where was the genesis of the name “Red Army”?

The genesis of this name can be traced back to the World War II era when the Soviet Union formed their Red Army, a strong force to fight against the allied forces to prevent them from occupation of Moscow. The name can also be traced to the Mao Zedong (Tse-tung) period in China when the Mao government trained and built a strong Red Army to defend against any foreign aggressions. Both the Soviet Union and China were under a socialist system which was later adopted by countries such as Ethiopia and Angola, among other countries, in Africa that were allied to the Eastern Bloc against the Western Bloc during the Cold War period (1945-1991).

George Orwell, the author of “The animal farm” depicted the role of the puppies’ character in the book. He said that the puppies were kept far away from their parents and were trained, brainwashed and were well-fed to bring change in the animal kingdom. This idea is also believed by many people to have influenced the concept of the Red Army.

To justify his ideology, Dr John Garang was at one time interviewed by journalists to specify which socialism he was leaning to, whether Marxism or Leninism. “I am John Garang” was his answer. So had it not been for the changes that happened following the end of the Cold War when socialism ended under Mikhail Gorbachev, John Garang would have developed a tailor-made type of socialism for the Sudanese society.

In 1991, Dr Garang made this important pronouncement in Kapoeta: “socialism has come to an end; I and my movement, the SPLM/A, has now joined the political wind that is changing the world and blowing to the West”. This means that the movement’s socialism inclination had been changed to capitalism from that date.

Though the name Red Army was adapted from the socialist background, it continued to exist even after this paradigm shift. The continuity of the name “Red Army” even after the movement changed focus to capitalism was an indication that the SPLM/A Red Army was not purely an extension of the socialist type but had its own different purpose and objective to achieve.

Who is an SPLM/A Red Army?

This term refers to all the unaccompanied minors who volunteered or were mobilized by SPLA with an intention of being given formal education and for paramilitary activities. They underwent difficulties at different times and places. All these qualify to be called Red Army.

How do people perceived the Red Army?

Many people associate the Red Army to useless, failed young people who had nowhere to feed themselves other than found “Jesh” (SPLM/A) as a safe haven to get free food and other human needs. “Oh! I lost my clothes, who might have passed here? Of course Jesh el hamer was here a few minutes ago”. This public perception of associating the Red Army with thieves and cruelty was proved wrong since it was a policy of the SPLM/A to mobilize all the youth irrespective of their family background to join the SPLM/A ranks. The movement believed and perceived that these young people if they are equipped with all the necessary skills will replace the old “Jesh Aswot”, the black army. The SPLM/A’s vision of the New Sudan was seen as unachievable in the short-term hence in 1986 the movement initiated the policy to mobilize the youth from central Upper Nile under Cdr. Kuol Manyang Juuk, greater Bahr el Ghazal under Cdr. Daniel Awet Akot, greater Equatoria under Cdr James Wani Igga, western Upper Nile under Cdr. Dr. Riek Machar Teny, and the Nuba Mountains under the late Cdr. Yousif Kuwa Mekki .

How many stages has the (jesh el hamer) Red Army undergone?

The Red Army has undergone many stages and persevered difficult conditions. The Red Army in their earlier ages ranged from about 10 to 17 years of age. They walked long distances from their different localities in southern Sudan to Ethiopia or other areas allocated for them in the southern Sudan. They underwent difficult training with limited medical and other social welfare supplies. Most of the Red Army missed their earlier parental care; many lost their lives in the training centers. Those who survived the harsh training conditions joined schools in Ethiopia, southern Sudan and abroad.

The Red Army was categorized into First Brigade, Medium, Minors, Nyawanyiw, or named under their mother battalions or division such as Koryom, Mormor, Kazuk, Zalzal and Intifaza…Red Army. They were also named according to their bases like Bilpam, Tharpam, Panyido and Dima Red Army in Ethiopia, Palataka, Moli, Bronglei, among others in southern Sudan, and the SPLM/A Cuba Red Army. They were also named after the frontline they occupied such as Jamus Two, Commando Six, Ingaz among others.

After the change of the friendly government in Ethiopia in 1991, like other citizens, the Red Army suffered another blow of crossing rivers, and suffering a great deal on their way back to Sudan where many people lost their lives again. The group that reached Kenya in the same year or soon afterwards was became known as the un-accompanied minors. It was accommodated in the minors group or attached to other families in Kakuma Refugees camp.

What were the objectives the SPLM/A Red Army?

The SPLM/A leadership thought of mobilizing young people because it wanted to send them to school to enable them to acquire formal education because war had created an education gap that needed to be filled. Dr John Garang demonstrated this in Panyedo in Ethiopia  in 1987 by writing on the board the numeral 1, 2, 3…and English letters A, B, C…respectively and taught the Red Army with these and calling the Red Army “al teraab” meaning seeds.

The leadership also wanted to equip these young people both militarily and politically to instill in them the spirit of patriotism and nationalism. They also wanted to develop a self reliant generation that would replace the old (jesh el aswot) army (SPLM/A) incase the war did not end quickly. The group also provided a pool of readily available and equipped army that could be resorted to in the time of need.

To what extent have these objectives have been achieved?

The Red Army has already achieved many of the above mentioned objectives:

• The minors that have been renamed the “Lost Boys” became informal ambassadors of the movement in countries of their settlement such as the USA, Canada and Australia to help spread the policies of the movement in these countries;
• The Red Army became the movement’s backbone during the dark days of the movement (1991-1994) when they helped to defend the SPLM/A territories from the advancing enemies;
• It is the Red Army Cuba and the First Brigade batch that were trained to use military tanks and artillery when the SPLA got advanced military hardware;
• The Red Army occupied very important places such as the signals, intelligence, engineering and junior officers in the movement that led infantry successfully;
• In civil administration, the majority of the Red Army occupies reasonable positions especially in Information Technology, Human Resources, and  Finance among others; and
• The Red Army are patriotic and even when they are shaken by strong winds of politics they remain patriotic among the sea of the reactionaries.
• The majority of the Red Army received basic education, certificate, senior school certificates, diplomas, degrees, master’s degrees and even PhD degrees.

What are the expectations of the Red Army from their SPLM/A-led government after bringing independence?

According to my personal point of view, the Red Army expects from their government more recognition and representation, scholarships and employment opportunity.  They are the manpower of which the late Dr. John Garang referred to when he said that “I have no problem of manpower to develop the country”. The government should make it apriority to employ the Red Army before resorting expatriate consultants.

I was a member of the Red Army who was wounded during the war. I admit that this article cannot exhaustively discuss the Red Army. I also regret any mistakes or omission; it was not intentional. I can be reached through josephgdeng@yahoo.co.uk or Tel. +211-0955705613.

South Sudan must overcome corruption

By Michael Gerson, in Calgary Herald (Washington Post)

Juba, South Sudan

Following the hot, happy chaos of its flag-raising ceremony and the departure of 70 planes worth of VIPs from its capital, a newly independent South Sudan now faces a lonelier task. It must construct a nation out of flawed materials — a weak economy, a strong military and fractious tribes.

The difficulties were illustrated to me at dinner with a prominent political figure from the ruling party, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement. He had been a fighter in the bush for more than 15 years, with several gunshot scars to prove it. His bravery is unquestioned. Yet his military achievements lead him to be openly dismissive of anyone — politicians, intellectuals or exiles — who lacks a war record.

The former commander told me the parable of a hunter who sends his dog to kill his prey, but then leaves only bones for the dog. The implication was clear: The military, having done the hardest work, will not be content with the bones.

This is a difficulty in most post-revolutionary countries. Can a guerrilla army transform itself into an effective governing class? Will the warriors welcome or resent non-military talent and technical expertise?

Western development experts often talk vaguely of corruption, as though it always means the filling of Swiss bank accounts. Doubtlessly there is some of that in South Sudan. But those carrying the shrapnel of the civil war are also practising a kind of patronage. They have binding ties to their family and tribe. So they put large numbers on the payroll — the old Chicago form of development. It is not a recipe for economic growth or political pluralism. But it does have a useful side-effect: keeping people with guns — and just about everyone in South Sudan has guns — employed and relatively happy.

The fact that South Sudan is a major oil producer only lubricates the patronage machine. As in many other places, resource wealth has the effect of strengthening elites, who have more benefits to distribute.

But the system has a major flaw. There is a direct relationship between corrupt patronage and instability. If government positions are a major source of spoils, those excluded are tempted to take positions by force. Two South Sudanese generals are currently in armed rebellion against the government. There are no ideological issues at stake. These military leaders feel cut out of the power arrangement. Killing becomes a form of negotiation — an attempt to gain attention and a rightful share. This is particularly dangerous in a society with a whirl of centrifugal forces — the existence of 150 tribes, a long history of political infighting, and a tendency for North Sudan to fund and encourage internal conflict within the South. In a new and fragile state, a great deal depends on the governing style of its first leader. Either a Mandela or a Mugabe may emerge, which places South Sudan in a unique position. The founder of the independence movement, John Garang, died in a plane crash in 2005. Garang was a charismatic, educated, Marxist-turned-Christian, rebel leader — a man who viewed tribalism as historical dead wood and who wanted to lead southern Sudan into the modern world.

South Sudan’s first president, Salva Kiir, provides a vivid contrast in leadership. Kiir models himself on the chiefs of his tribe, the Dinka. It is an aristocratic, gentlemanly tradition, in which power is exercised through layers of leadership. While Garang could be abrasive, Kiir is more oriented toward consensus.

Other tribes within South Sudan sometimes resent the aristocratic airs of the Dinka. But so far, Kiir’s approach has served him well. After Garang’s death, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement broadly accepted the legitimacy of Kiir’s succession. He has successfully reintegrated many powerful adversaries from the time of the war back into the party.

But Kiir has a challenge. Large-scale corruption has its own internal logic. It will not, however, result in development. And while Kiir himself is not seen as corrupt, he is broadly criticized for tolerating corruption around him. In his fine inaugural speech, Kiir was both gracious to enemies — offering rebels full amnesty — and tough on official corruption. But fighting corruption — high profile prosecutions and the recovery of diverted funds — requires the making of enemies. And Kiir’s efforts may be undermined by the consensus he has cultivated.

The independence of South Sudan is a large, unlikely achievement. But now it faces among the hardest of historical tasks: The liberators of a nation must become the founders of a nation.

Michael Gerson is a columnist with the Washington Post.

South Sudan rebel group declares ceasefire: Peter Gadet’s spokesman

KHARTOUM — A South Sudan rebel group led by renegade general Peter Gadet has agreed to an unconditional ceasefire and is committed to talks on merging its troops with the army, its spokesman said on Wednesday.

“We are declaring a ceasefire and we are also accepting the amnesty offered by the president as the basis of talks with the government of South Sudan,” Bol Gatkouth told AFP, speaking on behalf of the heavily armed militia group.

“The decision came after pressure from our international friends, and the call of the South Sudanese people that the government is serious about reconciliation,” Gatkouth added, speaking by phone from Juba.

He said the rebel group, which is based in South Sudan’s oil-producing Unity state, numbers “roughly 10,000 men,” and that the delegation that he was heading had just arrived from Nairobi, where it met South Sudanese officials.

The fledgling country declared independence from the north on July 9, but it faces a host of daunting challenges, among the greatest of which is the threat posed by the numerous militias within its borders.

Clashes between the army and the rebels in states across the country have left hundreds dead this year.

In his inaugural speech as president of the world’s newest nation, Salva Kiir renewed his offer of an amnesty for all the southern rebel groups that he first made at an all-party political conference in Juba last year.

South Sudan’s SSLA Unity State rebels ‘cease fire’

The SSLA forces may integrate into South Sudan’s army after talks with the government

The biggest rebel movement in the newly independent South Sudan has declared a ceasefire, its spokesman says.

The South Sudan Liberation Army (SSLA) has been involved in clashes with the new nation’s army this year.

Its fighters are concentrated in Unity State, near many of South Sudan’s lucrative oil fields.

When South Sudan split from Khartoum last month, its President Salva Kiir offered an amnesty to various militias fighting in the south.

South Sudan’s army spokesman told the BBC he had not heard about a ceasefire, but confirmed there had been “behind doors” contacts between the government and the SSLA.

South Sudan’s independence from Sudan was the outcome of a 2005 peace deal that ended decades of conflict between north and south in which some 1.5 million people died.

The BBC’s James Copnall in Sudan’s capital, Khartoum, says insecurity is one of the greatest challenges facing the new state of South Sudan.

Ethnic tensions

The SSLA, led by a dissident general Peter Gadet, is the most significant militarily of the half dozen or so southern rebel groups, our reporter says.

“We are also accepting the amnesty offered”

Bol GatkouthSSLA spokesman

His fighters took up arms earlier this year in protest against corruption, mismanagement of oil revenues and what they believe is the domination of the Dinka ethnic group.

Most of the SSLA are from the Nuer ethnic group, the second biggest in South Sudan.

“We are declaring a ceasefire and we are also accepting the amnesty offered by the president as the basis of talks with the government of South Sudan,” SSLA spokesman Bol Gatkouth Kol told the AFP news agency.

The group’s intention was to integrate its soldiers into the southern army, he said.

He told the BBC he was in South Sudan’s capital, Juba, as the head of an SSLA delegation for further talks.

If the ceasefire is confirmed and then holds, it will be a major step forward for South Sudan’s stability, our reporter says.

Last month, the leader of another South Sudanese rebel group – Col Gatluak Gai – was shot dead not long after agreeing to integrate his forces.

One of his daughters is married to Gen Gadet.

The army denied it was behind his assassination and said he was killed in a dispute with a fellow rebel leader about the peace agreement.

South Sudan’s enemy within

By James CopnallBBC News, Khartoum

Even before South Sudan declares its independence next week, it is already fighting at least half a dozen rebel movements.

On a video recording obtained by the BBC, hundreds of southern fighters jog rhythmically in a wide circle, singing and flaunting their new weapons.

The apparently joyous scenes in the video clash violently with a bloody reality: The rebel groups have fought on numerous occasions with the southern army, and represent a great threat to the stability of the new state.

The motivations of the rebels vary, but most of their leaders are former senior officers in the southern army, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), or militia leaders who fought with Sudan’s government during the 21-year year civil war, which ended in a peace deal paving the way for the south’s independence.

One of the rebel groups, Peter Gadet’s South Sudan Liberation Army (SSLA), says it is fighting corruption, lack of development, and the domination of the Dinka ethnic group.

The Dinkas form South Sudan’s biggest ethnic group, and are accused of holding most of the key position in the southern army and government.

South Sudan 2011 budget

• SPLA and veterans affairs: 1.6bn Sudanese pounds ($600m)
• Health: 216m pounds
• Education: 320m pounds
• Higher education, research, science & technology: 108m pounds
• Gender, child & social welfare 14m pounds

Spending on the SPLA accounts for more than a quarter of South Sudan’s budget, and is about three times as much as the money spent on health and education combined.

In part, this is a recognition of the threat posed by the rebel groups and the old enemies in Khartoum.

But most of the money goes on salaries, and the senior UN official in South Sudan, David Gressley, recently said the army should be halved after independence.

Northern hand?

The SSLA has fought a series of battles with the SPLA, near its bases in Unity state.

According to the SPLA, all the groups have one thing in common: They are funded and supplied by the former enemy in Khartoum.

The video of the rebels was given to the BBC by a rebel leader who was, at least temporarily, in Khartoum.

South Sudan rebel groups

• South Sudan Liberation Army (SSLA) led byPeter Gadet (above), who deserted from the southern army, having once fought for Khartoum
• Another rebel group is led by George Athor, formerly a general in the SPLA, who took up arms after losing the 2010 governorship elections in Jonglei state as an independent
• Johnson Oliny’s ethnic Shilluk militia attacked the major town of Malakal

Rightly or wrongly, Juba sees the hand of Khartoum in every fresh mutiny, with serious consequences for relations between the two.

During the two-decade-long civil war, the north made a habit of funding rival groups to weaken the SPLA.

Even South Sudan’s Vice-President Riek Machar once split off from the SPLA.

President Omar al-Bashir’s National Congress Party (NCP) denies it is supporting a new generation of rebel groups.

“Peter Gadet and the others were not part of the NCP or the Sudan Armed Forces, they were ex-SPLA militia, who abandoned them following the rigging of the elections in the south,” says senior NCP official Ibrahim Ghandour.

“This is a south-south business, and the north and the NCP are not implicated in this.”

In the video obtained by the BBC, the SSLA troops seem to be wearing brand new boots and uniforms, and are equipped with weapons which show no signs of wear.

They proudly display mortars, machine-guns and rocket-propelled grenades.

None of the rebel groups have been able to satisfactorily explain how they got this new weaponry.

There are hints they will put their shiny new guns to work at or just after the celebrations of South Sudan’s independence.

Threat?

But how big a threat do they actually pose?

The various groups – by some counts close to a dozen – talk about co-ordinating their actions, but would probably find it difficult due to South Sudan’s limited infrastructures and large size, not to mention the tricky question of who should lead.

All the same, the UN estimates 1,400 civilians have died so far this year in South Sudan, due to government or rebel activity, or inter-ethnic conflict.

Some of those deaths are blamed on the SPLA, a rebel movement itself once, and one that has struggled to make the transition to a national army.

The SSLA, at least, announced its intention, in the Mayom declaration, to overthrow the government.

Some observers have their doubts.

“The rebel groups are not a threat to the government in Juba, but are a local source of instability,” says EJ Hogendoorn of the think-tank International Crisis Group (ICG).

“This can trigger humanitarian crises in those areas and undermine development.”

This matters in South Sudan, which by some reckonings will become the least developed country on earth when it declares its independence.

“One of the most devastating impacts of the resurgence of violence in Unity [state] is the re-mining of roads cleared of war-time mines by UN and international demining groups since 2005,” the Small Arms Survey pointed out in a recent report.

If they are unlikely to overthrow the state, the rebels may well have other objectives.

Latent grievances

SSLA spokesman Bol Gatkouth Kol hints his troops could seize control of the oil fields in Unity state.

That would have vast repercussions, since oil represents about 98% of South Sudan’s revenue.

Where did the SSLA get all its new weapons from?

Another possibility is senior commanders could convert military success into a lucrative return into the SPLA.

“The SPLA is extraordinary,” comments one long-time observer of Sudan.

“Officers seem to see going into rebellion as a way of jumping up a few rungs on the career ladder.”

Still, all the rebels say they have legitimate concerns.

The perceived predominance of Dinkas in the top echelons of the army and its related party, the SPLM, and the SPLM’s reluctance to open the political process up to other parties, are certainly part of them.

“There are many complex grievances in South Sudan,” says Mr Hogendoorn.

“Many of them were suppressed in the interest of South Sudan’s independence, but they are beginning to surface as 9 July approaches.

“Unless the SPLM becomes more open and governs more inclusively, these grievances will fester and lead to more rebellion.”

 

Kiir transforms South Sudan parliament, reconstitutes its membership

August 1, 2011 (JUBA) – In his first move to form the first independent government of the Republic of South Sudan, President Salva Kiir Mayardit has issued a number of presidential decrees transforming the sub-national Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly (SSLA) into the National Legislative Assembly (NLA) and reconstituting its membership.

Salva Kiir Mayardit, SS President (AP)

The president’s decree issued on Monday merged the membership of the previous parliament in Juba with the addition pf South Sudanese members coming from the National Assembly in Khartoum.

The Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly had 170 elected members while those who were elected to the Khartoum’s National Assembly were 96 in number. The President has also appointed 66 more members to the National Legislative Assembly, making the total membership 332.

There were 20 South Sudanese members of the Council of States from Khartoum and 30 more appointed members, making the total 50. The two houses have the total membership of 382.

About 20% of the additional appointees come from other political parties. South Sudan has 23 political parties, but only five parties have had their members appointed to the new bicameral national parliament.

The new bicameral parliament is expected to have its first sitting on Wednesday, 3 August.

Kiir is also expected to name members of his new cabinet in the next few days.

(ST)

Reconstitution of the National Legislative Assembly of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011

RSS/PD/J/10/2011                                                                                    1^st Aug., 2011

 

REPUBLIC OF SOUTH SUDAN (RSS)

Presidential Decree No.10/2011 for the Transformation and Reconstitution of the National Legislative Assembly of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011.

 

DECREE AND DATE OF COMMENCEMENT:

1. Presidential Decree No. 11/2011 for the Establishment and Appointment of the Representatives of the Council of States of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011.
2. Presidential Decree No.10/2011 for the Transformation and Reconstitution of the National Legislative Assembly of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011.

The Decree shall be cited as the Presidential Decree No. 10/2011 for the Reconstitution of the National Legislative Assembly of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH SUDAN

In exercise of the powers vested upon me under Articles 56(2)(a)(b)(c) and 94(2)(a)(b) of the Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011, I, General Salva Kiir Mayardit, President of the Republic of South Sudan, hereby issue the following Presidential Decree for the Transformation and Reconstitution of the National Legislative Assembly of the Republic of South Sudan as follows:

(A).           MEMBERS OF THE FORMER SOUTHERN SUDAN LEGISLATIVE

            ASSEMBLY

S/N	Name in Full	Title	Party	State
1	Hon. James Wani Igga	Speaker	SPLM	Central Eq.
2	Hon. Onyoti Adigo Nyikwac	Opposition/L	SPLM-DC	Upper Nile
3	Hon. Daniel Awet Akot	D/Speaker	SPLM	Lakes
4	Hon. Anthony Lino Makana	Minister	SPLM	Western Eq.
5	Hon. Awut Deng Achuil	Minister	SPLM	Warrap
6	Hon. Agnes Kwaje Lasuba	Minister	SPLM	Central Eq.
7	Hon. Barnaba Marial Benjamin	Minister	SPLM	Jonglei
8	Hon. David Deng Athorbei	Minister	SPLM	Lakes
9	Hon. Gier Chuang Aluong	Minister	SPLM	Jonglei
10	Hon. James Kok Ruea	Minister	SPLM	Jonglei
11	Hon. Dr. Luka T. Monoja	Minister	SPLM	Central Eq.
12	Hon. Madut Biar Yel	Minister	SPLM	Northern B.G.
13	Hon. Michael Makuei Lueth	Minister	SPLM	Jonglei
14	Hon. Nhial Deng Nhial	Minister	SPLM	Warrap
15	Hon. Nyalok Tiong Gatluak	Minister	SPLM	Unity
16	Hon. Paul Mayom Akec	Minister	SPLM	Lakes
17	Hon. Bangout Amum Okiech	Govt Chief W.	SPLM	Jonglei
18	Hon. Andrew Okong Ayom	Opp. Chief W.	SPLM-DC	Upper Nile
19	Hon. Aleu Ayieny Aleu	Chairperson	SPLM	Warrap
20	Hon. Prof. Barri A. Wanji	Chairperson	SPLM	Western B. G.
21	Hon. Timothy Tut Chuol	Chairperson	SPLM	Jonglei
22	Hon. Dengtiel A. Kur	Chairperson	SPLM	Jonglei
23	Hon. Daniel Deng Monydit	Chairperson	SPLM	Lakes
24	Hon. Joy Kwaje Eluzai	Chairperson	SPLM	Central Eq.
25	Hon. Kom Kom Geng	Chairperson	SPLM	Northern B.G.
26	Hon. Angelina Nyamouka Magoun	Chairperson	SPLM	Jonglei
27	Hon. James Lual Deng	Chairperson	SPLM	Warrap
28	Hon. Henry Dilah Odwar	Chairperson	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
29	Hon. Pascal Bandindi Uru	Chairperson	SPLM	Western Eq.
30	Hon. Debora Ajok Garang	Chairperson	SPLM	Unity
31	Hon. Dr. Martha Martin Dak	Chairperson	SPLM	Upper Nile
32	Hon. James Janka Duku	Chairperson	SPLM	Central Eq.
33	Hon. Stephen Ajongo Akol	Chairperson	SPLM	Northern B.G.
34	Hon. Rev. Mathew Mathiang Deang	Chairperson	SPLM	Unity
35	Hon. James Reat Gony	Chairperson	SPLM	Upper Nile
36	Hon. Mary Kiden Kimbo	Chairperson	Independent	Central Eq.
37	Hon. David Okuer Akwany	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Jonglei
38	Hon. Henry Omai Akolawin	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Upper Nile
39	Hon. Kur Akol Deng	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Upper Nile
40	Hon. Parmena Awerial Along	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Lakes
41	Hon. Umjuma Juma Sabil	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Western B. G.
42	Hon. Lucy Iyaya Loki	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
43	Hon. Kutin Bayak Gil	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Jonglei
44	Hon. Remijo Lasu Peter	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Central Eq.
45	Hon. Ruai Kuol Jal	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Unity
46	Hon. Jasmine Samuel Adakayi	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Western Eq.
47	Hon. Mary Atong Bak	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Warrap
48	Hon. Mary Nawai Martin	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Western Eq.
49	Hon. Mary Kiden Enoka	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Central Eq.
50	Hon. Akuot Deng Kawal	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Warrap
51	Hon. Gordon Matot Tut	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Lakes
52	Hon. Ngong Deng Gum	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Northern B.G.
53	Hon. Betty Achan Ogwaro	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
54	Hon. Asha Abboz Akuei	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Warrap
55	Hon. Abuk Malual Aken	Member	SPLM	Lakes
56	Hon. Abuk Payit Ayik	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
57	Hon. Achol Barouk Akasha	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
58	Hon. Adeng Leek Deng	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
59	Hon. Agyou Agyou Thiep	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
60	Hon. Akon Bol Akok	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
61	Hon. Alfred Wol Acwal	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
62	Hon. Akon Diang Athian	Member	SPLM	Warrap
63	Hon. Akot Dau Niyok	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
64	Hon. Angelo Lokinga Lohita	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
65	Hon. Angoryang Mark Loifidi	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
66	Hon. Arop Madut Arop	Member	SPLM	Warrap
67	Hon. Aya Janet Alex	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
68	Hon. Bataria Mirror Maker	Member	SPLM	Unity
69	Hon. Beatrice Aber Samson	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
70	Hon. Benjamin Malek Alier	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
71	Hon. Barnardo Kpasira Martin	Member	SPLM	Western B. G.
72	Hon. Bidali Moses Onesimo	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
73	Hon. Bellario Ahoy Ngong	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
74	Hon. Bul Andrea Cosmas	Member	Independent	Eastern Eq.
75	Hon. Charles Majak Alier	Member	SPLM	Warrap
76	Hon. Charles Wello Onyony	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
77	Hon. Dr. David Nailo Mayo	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
78	Hon. David Gai Chan	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
79	Hon. David Unyo Demey	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
80	Hon. David Yien Bilieth	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
81	Hon. Deng Dau Deng	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
82	Hon. Dousman Joyce James	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
83	Hon. Elias Mathuc	Member	SPLM	Western B. G.
84	Hon. Elizabeth Adut Mel	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
85	Hon. Elizabeth Nyaluac Tap	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
86	Hon. Emelia Aluel Bol	Member	SPLM	Lakes
87	Hon. Elizabeth Nyawac Chol	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
88	Hon. Fatima Nyawang Biliu	Member	SPLM	Unity
89	Hon. Festo Faustino Kumba	Member	SPLM	Western Eq.
90	Hon. Francis Lokurnyang Angou	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
91	Hon. Garang Deng Akong	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
92	Hon. Gatwech Lam Puoch	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
93	Hon. Gathuak Riak Jak	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
94	Hon. George Costa Faustino	Member	SPLM	Western Eq.
95	Hon. Grace Amo Alex	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
96	Hon. Gadwani Lopuke Cormoi	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
97	Hon. Henry Stephen Danga	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
98	Hon. Ismail Mathew Mukhter	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
99	Hon. Jacob Dau Kuol	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
100	Hon. James Gatkur Wishierbal	Member	SPLM	Unity
101	Hon. James Kueth Chol	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
102	Hon. John Chol Machar	Member	Independent	Upper Nile
103	Hon. John Ivo Mounto	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
104	Hon. John Jok Chol	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
105	Hon. Josephine Napwon Cosmos	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
106	Hon. Julius Ajeo Moilinga	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
107	Hon. Juma AlI Malau	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
108	Hon. Juma Amiro Dobo	Member	SPLM	Western Eq.
109	Hon. June Malek Kur	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
110	Hon. Kong Dak Jishlive	Member	SPLM	Unity
111	Hon. Kornelio Mawien Dhor	Member	SPLM	Warrap
112	Hon. Kuany Ayom Deng	Member	SPLM	Warrap
113	Hon. Kuony War Jok	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
114	Hon. Kuot Deng Kuot	Member	SPLM	Warrap
115	Hon. Listisia Ihure Santino	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
116	Hon. Machok Majong Jong	Member	SPLM	Warrap
117	Hon. Madalena Pita Emilion	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
118	Hon. Majok Yak Majok	Member	SPLM	Warrap
119	Hon. Majok Dut Muorwel	Member	SPLM	Warrap
120	Hon. Maker Deng Malou	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
121	Hon. Manasseh Magok Rundial	Member	SPLM	Unity
122	Hon. Mark Lotede Lowi	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
123	Hon. Mark Nyipouch Ubong	Member	SPLM	Western B. G.
124	Hon. Mary Rero Jwac	Member	SPLM-DC	Upper Nile
125	Hon. Martha Akuany Deng	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
126	Hon. Martha Atong Mansor	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
127	Hon. Martin Ohuro Okeruk	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
128	Hon. Mary Puru Michael	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
129	Hon. Mary Nyaulang Ret	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
130	Hon. Mary Bicensio Wani	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
131	Hon. Mat Ron War Roy	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
132	Hon. Martha Ayuek Yac	Member	SPLM	Warrap
133	Hon. Mel Wal Achien Yor	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
134	Hon. Michael Muot Dieu	Member	SPLM	Unity
135	Hon. Mohammed Ahmed Musa	Member	SPLM	Western B. G.
136	Hon. Monica Ayen Maguat	Member	SPLM	Lakes
137	Hon. Nyachut Arok	Member	SPLM	Lakes
138	Hon. Negere Joseph Paciko	Member	SPLM	Western Eq.
139	Hon. Nibol Daniel Dhieu	Member	SPLM	Lakes
140	Hon. Nyanyang Lok Rich	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
141	Hon. Nyibol Bol Matip	Member	SPLM	Warrap
142	Hon. Ohidei Victor Omuho	Member	Independent	Eastern Eq.
143	Hon. Peter Bashir Gbandi	Member	SPLM	Western Eq.
144	Hon. Prof. Paul Logale Jumi	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
145	Hon. Paulino Laku Kedia	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
146	Hon. Peter Longole Kuam	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
147	Hon. Philip Thon Leek	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
148	Hon. Ramadan El Amin	Member	SPLM	Western B. G.
149	Hon. Rebecca Atuet Makuet	Member	SPLM	Lakes
150	Hon. Riek Maniel Ayuel	Member	SPLM	Unity
151	Hon. Rejoice Bauda Simon	Member	SPLM	Western Eq.
152	Hon. Dr. Richard K. Mulla	Member	Independent	Western Eq.
153	Hon. Samuel Aban Achin	Member	SPLM-DC	Upper Nile
154	Hon. Samuel Duwar Deng	Member	SPLM	Warrap
155	Hon. Sebur John Mansuk	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
156	Hon. Simon Deng Duang	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
157	Hon. Simon Malual Deng	Member	SPLM	Lakes
158	Hon. Suzan Wasuk Sokiri	Member	SPLM	Warrap
159	Hon. Timothy Taban Tuch	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
160	Hon. Dr. Theophilus Ochang Lotti	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
161	Hon. Tongun Lado Rombek	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
162	Hon. Tulio Odongi Ayahus	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
163	Hon. Victoria Adhar Arop	Member	SPLM	Warraaap
164	Hon. Vosca Martin Kumbori	Member	SPLM	Western Eq.
165	Hon. Weu Kong Koyang	Member	Independent	Upper Nile
166	Hon. Zakaria Matur Makuer	Member	SPLM	Lakes
167	Hon. Dr. Riek Machar Teny	Vice President	SPLM	Upper Nile
168	Hon.		SPLM	Central Eq.
169	Hon.		SPLM	Central Eq.
170	Hon.		SPLM	Jonglei

 

(B).     FORMER MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF THE REPUBLIC

OF SUDAN ELECTED FROM SOUTHERN CONSTITUTUENCIES AS    FOLLOWS:

 

S/N	Name in Full	Title	Party	State
1	Hon. Atem Garang D. Dekuek	D/Speaker	SPLM	Jonglei
2	Hon. Thomas Wani Kundu	Chairperson	SPLM	Central Eq.
3	Hon. Lidia Jok Chol	Chairperson	SPLM	Upper Nile
4	Hon. Goc Makuac Mayol	Chairperson	SPLM	Warrap
5	Hon. Ramadan Hassen Laku	Chairperson	SPLM	Central Eq.
6	Hon. Deng Tong Kuol	Chairperson	SPLM	Northern B.G.
7	Hon. John Gatnyai Thot	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Unity
8	Hon. Ketura Yona Ambara	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Western Eq.
9	Hon. Adelino Michael Wani	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
10	Hon. George Andrea Juma	D/Chairperson	SPLM	Western B.G.
11	Hon. Tut Kew Gatluak	D/Chairperson	NCP	Unity
12	Hon. Riek Gai Kok	Pres. Advisor	NCP	Jonglei
13	Hon. George Bureng Nyombe	Minister	SPLM	Central Eq.
14	Hon. Lual Achuek Deng	Minister	SPLM	Jonglei
15	Hon. Wek Mamer Kuol	State Minister	SPLM	Warrap
16	Hon. Rashid Adam Alallah	Member	SPLM	Western B.G.
17	Hon. Siro Garjuok Marino	Member	SPLM	Western B.G.
18	Hon. Nadia Mahajuob Babiker	Member	SPLM	Western B.G.
19	Hon. Jongkuc Johnson Kulang	Member	SPLM	Lakes
20	Hon. Bullen Kot Beny Adiak	Member	SPLM	Lakes
21	Hon. Alambeny Malith Riak	Member	SPLM	Lakes
22	Hon. Daniel Dhieu Matuet	Member	SPLM	Lakes
23	Hon. Jamal Juma Kakaya	Member	SPLM	Lakes
24	Hon. Rebecca Aluel Mayor	Member	SPLM	Lakes
25	Hon. Suzan Solomon Mamur	Member	SPLM	Lakes
26	Hon. Remzi Monyping Cier	Member	SPLM	Lakes
27	Hon. Caguor Aduong Manyang	Member	SPLM	Warrap
28	Hon. Wol Deng Aleu	Member	SPLM	Warrap
29	Hon. Rose Adau Deng	Member	SPLM	Warrap
30	Hon. Alma Jervas Yak	Member	SPLM	Warrap
31	Hon. Joseph Mathuc Mou	Member	SPLM	Warrap
32	Hon. Bona Bak Nyang	Member	SPLM	Warrap
33	Hon. Augustino Mathok Thok	Member	SPLM	Warrap
34	Hon. Ayak Ngor Malek	Member	SPLM	Warrap
35	Hon. William Ajel Deng Gai	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
36	Hon. Ajok Wol Atak Deng	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
37	Hon. Abraham Albino Kuot	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
38	Hon. James Aguer Alij	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
39	Hon. John Agany Deng	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
40	Hon. Akuot Chan Kuac	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
41	Hon. Akuar Gamar Ujieth	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
42	Hon. Salih Saeed Uko	Member	SPLM	Northern B.G.
43	Hon. Veronica Luis Renzi	Member	SPLM	Western Eq.
44	Hon. Samson Ezekiel Ndiko	Member	SPLM	Western Eq.
45	Hon. Justin Joseph Marona	Member	SPLM	Western Eq.
46	Hon. Pasquale Clement Batali	Member	SPLM	Western Eq.
47	Hon. Murad Meseka Dourania	Member	SPLM	Western Eq.
48	Hon. Jamal Lomongin Peter	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
49	Hon. Paul Lotabu Mana	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
50	Hon. Luis Wille Atiol	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
51	Hon. Marko Lolibas Lojore	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
52	Hon. Veronica Rodento Onzi	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
53	Hon. Anita Allah-jabu Mursal	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
54	Hon. Justin Erat Kerepi	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
55	Hon. Natire Ann Grace	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
56	Hon. Mathias Loye Obura	Member	SPLM	Eastern Eq.
57	Hon. Mary Nyiyom Lual	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
58	Hon. Anthony Kudus Justin	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
59	Hon. Joseph Dilli Lupara	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
60	Hon. David Allemy Poru	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
61	Hon. Paul Yoane Bonju	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
62	Hon. Agnes Nyoka Peter	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
63	Hon. James Angelo Celerino	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
64	Hon. Oliver Mori Benjamin	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
65	Hon. Lazarous Permena Farajalla	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
66	Hon. Lilly Kiden Eluzaya	Member	SPLM	Central Eq.
67	Hon. Maker Thiong Maal	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
68	Hon. Jacob Duang Wan	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
69	Hon. Kuol Lual Awan	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
70	Hon. Eloren Allen Kulem	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
71	Hon. Elizabeth John Kuol	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
72	Hon. Munira Abdalwahab	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
73	Hon. John Badeng Chan	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
74	Hon. Imelda Modi Tartisio	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
75	Hon. David Thil Chol	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
76	Hon. Michael Chot Lul	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
77	Hon. Ann Lino Wor Abyei	Member	SPLM	Jonglei
78	Hon. Jok Jak Bom	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
79	Hon. Elia Ullan Jongo Wako	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
80	Hon. Ali Adillan Nur-aldin	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
81	Hon. Asha Abdalsalam Alawad	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
82	Hon. Cecilia Achuil Mathew	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
83	Hon. Deng Chol Deng	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
84	Hon. Deng Goch Ayuel	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
85	Hon. Fatima Kur Chol	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
86	Hon. Bur Gatwich Kuny	Member	SPLM	Upper Nile
87	Hon. Lang Tap Lam	Member	SPLM	Unity
88	Hon. Puok Bol Mut	Member	SPLM	Unity
89	Hon. Mary Yual Badeng	Member	SPLM	Unity
90	Hon. Nadia Arop Dudi	Member	SPLM	Unity
91	Hon. Majok Dau Chol Lak	Member	SPLM	Unity
92	Hon. Michael Rut Koryom	Member	NCP	Jonglei
93	Hon. Benjamin Bol	Member	SPLM-DC	Upper Nile
94	Hon. Johnson Ollami	Member	SPLM-DC	Upper Nile
95	Hon.Mayiik Ayii Deng	Member	SPLM	Warrap
96	Hon.	Member	SPLM	Warrap

 (C) MEMBERS APPOINTED UNDER ARTICLE 94(2)(B) AS FOLLOWS:

 

S/N	Name in Full
1	Mr. Lual Ding Wol
2	Mr. Alfred Lado Gore
3	Mr. Martin Elia Lomuro
4	Mr. Joseph Monytuil Weijang
5	Mr. Jacob Kenyi Leju
6	Ms. Sabina Dario Lokolong
7	Ms. Gloria Philemon Baime
8	Gen. Salva Mathok Gengdit
9	Mr. Agoth Ngot Riiny
10	Mr. Elia Emilio Kheir el Seed
11	Mr. Makuac Majok Akot
12	Mr. Majur Babur Ajala
13	Dr. William Othwon Awer
14	Mr. Gatluak Ruon Nyuot
15	Mr. Abraham Biar Deng
16	Mr. Isaac Deng Tur Agok
17	Mr. Reath Muoch Tang
18	Mr. John Wiyual Nguot
19	Mr. Domach Gatpan
20	Mr. Martin Mabil Kong
21	Gen. Alison Manani Magaya
22	Mr. Caeser Baya Loyala
23	Mr. Ubuch Ujwok Akuo
24	Mr. Peter Samuel Mogga
25	Mr. Scopas Taban Lokubang
26	Sultan Tem Kuac Ngor
27	Mr. Deng Majok Athian
28	Ms. Mary Jervas Yak
29	Mr. Paulino Wanawilla Unango
30	Mr. Oyai Deng Ajak
31	Mr. John Luk Jok
32	Mr. Kosti Manibe Ngai
33	Ms. Jemma Nunu Kumba
34	Ms. Awel Mawien Atem
35	Ms. Nyanaciek Nhial Majiit
36	Ms. Sarah Benjamin Gabriel
37	Mr. Akol Paul Kordit
38	Mr. Peter Charlaman Chawach
39	Ms. Georgeta Lat Mading de Bilkuei
40	Mr. Simon Deng Bol
41	Bishop Gabriel Roric Jur Yor
42	Ms. Fadwa Chwei Deng Yol
43	Mr. Anthony Jervase Yaak
44	Mr. Pitia Solomon Nyambur
45	Ms. Sophia Pal Gai
46	Mr. Franco Akech Ring
47	Mr. Wilson Lodiong Sebit
48	Mr. John Mourcol Mayiei
49	Mr. Peter Mariel Deng
50	Mrs. Adriana Ali Khamis
51	Mr. Mayom Kuoc Malek
52	Dr. Stanslauas Wani Jada
53	Eng. Sebit Abbe Worijibi
54	Mrs. Ayen Luka Baak
55	Gen. Peter Kozia Cirillo
56	Prof. Ajang Bior Duot
57	Mr. Clement Khamis Komoyangi
58	Mrs. Abuk Ngong Nyinkuany
59	Dr. Toby Maduot Parek
60	Mr. Philip Palet Gadin
61	Mr. John Paul Lako
62	Mrs. Margaret Samuel Aru Bol
63	Prof. Francis Ben Ataba
64	Mr. James Sigin Banak
65	Mr. Gabriel Guot Guot
66	Ms. Genivia Eliaba Jenaba

Issued under my Hand and Seal of the Republic of South Sudan in Juba, this First Day of the Month of August in the Year 2011, A.D.

General Salva Kiir Mayardit

President of the Republic of South Sudan

JUBA