Thankful to Cdr. William Nyuoon Bany: A Eulogy!

By Kur Wel Kur

William Nyuon Bany

Dear Uncle Nyuoon,

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I believe in the  life after death, not only  because of my  Christian’s faith but also because of our ancestral belief (Africanism). I believe  that you’re watching and listening!  This note that contains my tributes to you aged within me, 22 years to make it specific. As I sat eyeing the empty screen of my iPad, my fears left me for a walk: The fear of judgement from others, and the fear of perception from the community of your birth. In  fact, I thank God for relieving me of these fears because, to write this note means to celebrate your life, you gave to spare others’ lives. Thanking  you, reflects the remembrance of your foot prints you left behind, your  foot prints in nationalism, in patriotism,  in protection and lastly, your  foot prints of  ideologies in which you impacted the history of South Sudan.

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As I scribble this note, I don’t know where your body rests; whether your loyalists had time to bury  you properly or they left behind  your dear body unburied  to save their dear lives! It won’t matter, what matters,  are  the thoughts of you within us! With these thoughts, we can build and erect  your  monuments and statues  throughout the country!

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Uncle William,  I centralise the core of this note in specific events that involved my Palotaka colleagues and I, then your other good deeds to this country will follow. To all my Palotaka colleagues, I invite you to judge this note about the man who spared the foundation of our country; a country, in the political turmoil today.  A  man whom his junior  both in ranking and aging, robbed of life; a junior he rescued at the edge of a sword for betrayal  from SPLM/A; Elijah Hon Top under Peter Gatdet Yaak, slain him  in cold blood. William Nyuoon is such a man, unique and outstanding leader!

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William, I remember when you advised  us in Torit. You aired these words:  “Jesh al-Hamar, you must be willing to study; you must not dive into nostalgia, thinking about your parents, relatives or cattle; we must defeat the immigrants in all fronts. I know and am seeing it, you lack clothes and blankets; Jesh al Hamar, you must be on the lookout for patience because without it, all lives will end in seconds; so alongside patience, welcome persistence and everything else will follow.”
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With your advice, we conquered dark corners in the hell of a Palotaka life; with your parental words, we lived  in the four corners of the earth so determined today. You lived among us contrary to those who existed and continue to exist among us; your  temporal life has left everlasting good memories of you; And that’s the full measure of a great man. Most great revolutionaries and visionaries,  perished in violence not in peace; the world never give them time to verbalise their wills to their loved ones.

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William Nyuon Bany

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In these regards, I oblige myself to quote one greatest man, a man in his own class, a class in the pinnacle of the humanity, Abraham Lincoln. As a president,  he summarised and uttered the sacrifices  of good soldiers in his Gettysburg address: “The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. ”  So William, you were such a soldier,   the haters and those unpatriotic will  regard our words about you and other martyrs  as meaningless  but they ( words) will act as reminders to those who quench the South Sudan soil with   their liquor or milk   as a recognition and libation to  those who gave their last prices for it ( South Sudan ).
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In September,1992, you defected from SPLM/A at  Pageri in Eastern  Equatoria State; the news of your defection raced to Palotaka and the panic racked our guardians’ brains, who , even in the face of desperate craving of life, couldn’t stand on your way, given their knowledge of your military tactics. We hit the road to Parjok and to Pogee. However, William, you challenged your matches, the SPLA occupied towns. Magwi fell in a terrible defeat into your hands; Ikotos crumbled in front of you and you made it  to Juba not because of the numbers of your soldiers but barely because of your military tactics. A great military tactician, you were!

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A testimony from Riek’s abductee of 1991 goes:

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“When William came to Nasir, he ordered the release of detainees, detained just because they were Dinkas; though after  he left for a frontline in Equatoria state, Riek’s soldiers slaughtered them one after  another. However,  William showed them his nationalism and compassion to serve and save South Sudanese regardless of their tribes. Nyuoon preached differences in military and in  politics as the main causes of South Sudanese sufferings not tribes. In Nasir, Riek’s soldiers discouraged those who sang SPLM/A liberation songs; however, William challenged that behaviour, saying that our common enemy are Arabs in the North and liberation songs were composed and sung towards the Arabs in the Khartoum regime; he believed that people die because of lies and having  two different governments with contrary ideologies. William  believed in absolute  peace”.

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Words from a former soldier in signaling (communication) unit in your division had these remarks about you:
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“I did my military training with ‘koryom'(locust) battalion, however, the leadership of SPLM/A deployed me  in 104/105 at Adura/Ashwa base in  Ethiopia; William Nyuoon (a zonal commander) commanded axis-1 zone , which covered the Eastern bank of the Nile.

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The Genius of Dr. John Garang: Letters and Radio Messages of the Late SPLM/A’s Leader, Dr. John Garang de Mabioor (Volume 2) Paperback – November 27, 2013

Qualities  of  his leadership

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Cdr. Nyuoon possessed many excellent skills that made  him a rare leader; socially, William would play cards and other games not only with officers but also with soldiers; he laughed and joked with them.

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His leadership opposed the tribalists, for example, when Dr. Garang sent two battalions: Bilpam and Mut (spear in Nuer), to him, Isaac Gatlok a commanding commander swappedd soldiers  of other tribes  with soldiers of Nuer tribe especially in strategic positions, for example, those in fields artilleries (e.g. pack or mountain howitzers) units;  that incident agitated most soldiers so a chunk of soldiers deserted the battalion; that triggered William to  call an emergency meeting with his closest officers: Ajak Deng Reng, Manyok Barach, James Kong ( his chief of staff), Chuol Maai (head of his intelligence unit) and Jacob Bol (his doctor) to discuss what they should do about Isaac’s behaviour. He told them to forge a letter of Isaac’s referral for promotion in the name of Dr. Garang, and then he would press charges against Isaac after he (Isaac) reach Bilpam(SPLM/A base).
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However, Chuol Maai and James Kong in a private meeting, convinced  William to discard the  decision so he cancelled Isaac’s trip to Bilpam. As a result of Isaac’s segregation, the battalion dispersed altogether,  a fail of leadership .  Nyuoon condemned his two officers who talked him out of Gatlok’s referral in a serious mood. That also meant he could see beyond (visionary).  Furthermore,  his communications with the leader of the movement, Dr. Garang in matters partaining the future of the movement,  showed his visionary and revolutionary characteristics.

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Nyuoon, as a brave commander, his bravery debilitated the rebels of Anyanya two who gave SPLM/A hard times. His military operations in Jhok-kou and in other areas of Gajak showed his bravery.

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Nyuoon had a rare fairness; he treated everyone the same; he would acknowledge the contribution of others in the functioning and success  of SPLM/A regardless of their tribes. Nyuoon: the best in mobilisation, he mobilised Nuers to join the SPLM/A. He  was not corrupt, though he had capacities, he never desired to own hundreds of cattle like his colleagues in the same ranks. His simple diets  proved him innocence in corruption ordeal,  which enslaved many SPLM/A  officers; an epidemic that continues to robe us  until  today!

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Kwei-nyang (his nickname) was not a  strict  vegetarian but he didn’t love meat like the rests of his peers; he also disliked foods with fat (butter and ghee),  and his favorite were milk, chai(tea) and “Ngam-Kuor” (corns with brans removed then cooked with beans) so he used to supervise foods for the sake of his soldiers not because of him. He would prioritise and care for signaling unit, intelligence unit and the rests follow when it came to what they should eat”.

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Having stated the  reasons as to why high commander, William Nyuoon Bany deserves our respect, I now conclude that William Nyuoon must remain in our heart of hearts. He deserves monuments and statues in Ayod, Jonglei capital and in Juba because his nationalism and patriotism outweighed many of his peers’! So with the words of American military  legend, General Macarthur: ” old soldiers never die they just fade away”. Our passed heroes will occupy eternity of our history especially if we think about what they accomplished in their short lives.
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Yrs. Kur Wel Kur. 

R.I.P. THE LEGENDARY UNCLE OF THE REPUBLIC, ELIJAH MALOK ALENG (28-11-1937 to 30-10-2014)…!

THE EASED AFRICA I WANT

“Uncle Elijah Malok Aleng is irreplaceable. The man was brutally honest and was never afraid to speak the truth. I just wish he did not go this soon; South Sudan needs him, people of Bor community needs him, and his little grandchildren needed him the most. The legend will be terribly missed,” Aduei Riak reacts to the breaking news of Uncle Elijah’s passing .

Like the heartbreaking news of the chopper accident of Dr. John Garang de Mabior and the crew on July 30, 2005, this news of the passing of Uncle Elijah on October 30, 2014, is unbelievable! Uncle Elijah Malok Aleng passed on in Nairobi Hospital at 1.20PM today (October 30) after a month of battling stroke and diabetes.

Personal Comments 

History Book by the late Elijah Malok…Unfortunately, he passed away before launching the second edition of this history!

It is disturbing! I have been praying…

View original post 1,310 more words

TRIBUTE TO THE LEGENDARY LEADER, ELIJAH MALOK ALENG MAYEN

By Amer Mayen Dhieu, Australia

“Never mind about my death and hatred from people, I died the time I decided to join politic” –Elijah Malok Aleng

Elijah Malok Aleng, war veteran of both Anyanya one and the SPLM/A, former MP of Twic East in the 1980s, and the first Governor of the Central Bank of South Sudan

I HATE BEING A POLITICAL ORPHAN,

I hate being a political orphan but you have just made me one. I was told I was one but I smile because I know that I am not. Now I am one because you finally made me one. My despairing journey have just begun, therefore must I speak like a political orphan.

I hate being a political orphan but you have just made me one. I was told I was one because I no longer hold any position but I smile because I know I was holding one. Now I am no longer holding that special position because you have chosen to leave me without, in a house full of bees. My despairing journey has just begun, therefore must I speak like one.

Cdr. Oyai Deng Ajak, Cdr. Elijah Malok Aleng, and Cdr. Gier Chuang Aluong during the war of liberation–SPLM/A

I hate being a political orphan but you have just made me one. I was told I have no more politicians but I smile because I know I have one. I know politic is not about position but about the history and sacrifices you made when there was nothing to pay you for. You made those sacrifices before second generation of liberators leading our country today. You have a lot of history in you but you have left before we enjoy it. My despairing journey has just begun, therefore must I speak like a political orphan.

Elijah Malok Aleng, war veteran of both Anyanya one and the SPLM/A, former MP of Twic East in the 1980s, and the first Governor of the Central Bank of South Sudan

Dear Uncle Elijah Malok Aleng Mayen,

With deep sorrows, our community has witnessed her second darkest day in history. With tears and pain, our nation is weeping. With confusion and heartbreak, my hands are wobbling. I am not understanding why you have to go so soon and I need reassurance from you wherever you are. I have no wish for you in heaven for I only have earthly wishes and that is I want you back right now, right here where my finger is pointing. It seems heaven is not understanding our “whys” since July 30, 2005 and this must be the reason it keep robbing us with the very last people our community want to lose.

There are so many questions to be answered and one of them is why always yous? Why always “us”? why always our community? I don’t care about whatsoever because with you I know our community is rich with historical seeds. Now you have gone, it is true that our political inspiration lineage is dying slowly. So slowly before you groom another “you” in us

Elijah Malok Aleng, war veteran of both Anyanya one and the SPLM/A, former MP of Twic East in the 1980s, and the first Governor of the Central Bank of South Sudan

We didn’t catch the glimpse of history in you, we were at the starting point. You went to heaven with it, leaving us like real political orphans. You have seen it all from the start to the end. You watch where it went wrong and where it went right. Nothing was important than having you around just to watch the show of what you sacrificed your entire life for.

We will never bring you back but we will forever remember you. We need your memories for our history. The history of our people, the history of our community and the history of our nation. With deep sorrows we will missed all of that. You are my legend, my hero, my inspirations and my everything I want to see in the future of our country.

Elijah Malok Aleng, war veteran of both Anyanya one and the SPLM/A, former MP of Twic East in the 1980s, and the first Governor of the Central Bank of South Sudan

Thirty of October is a sad day for South Sudan, a sad day for Twic East County and a sad day for those who love, believe and trust in you and in the history of our great nation. You suffered a hero death, The earth was glad to have you, always wanted to forever have you, but you have gone just too soon. It is the day we both wish we didn’t live long to see but heart-brokenly we will vulnerably accept your death, although it is a tragic loss, a loss we will never replace.

We Love you, We missed you. Rest in peace legend.

Malok Aleng de Mayen on July 9 2011—South Sudan’s independence day

In loving memory of the Legendary leader, Elijah Malok Aleng Mayen

Died on 30th of October, 2014, Nairobi, Kenya

From South Sudan, Jonglei State, Twic East County,

Nyuak Payam, Awulian clan, Patem sub-clan.

May his loving soul rest in glory.

Elijah Malok Aleng Passed Away

Uncle Elijah Malok Aleng Has Joined our Martyrs Today.

Elijah Malok Aleng, war veteran of both Anyanya one and the SPLM/A, former MP of Twic East in the 1980s, executive director of SRRA, and the first Governor of the Central Bank of South Sudan

Dear all,

It is with great pain and sorrow that I have to inform you of the passing away of one of our DPF members, facilitator  of our events, and veteran of the wars of liberation, uncle Elijah Malok Aleng Deng. I am short of words, so forgive me if I cannot say anything more for now. May God rest his soul in eternal peace and comfort his love ones, friends and comrades of the war of liberation……..Press release by Dr. Lual Achuek Deng

Elijah Malok Aleng, war veteran of both Anyanya one and the SPLM/A, former MP of Twic East in the 1980s, and the first Governor of the Central Bank of South Sudan

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Books by Elijah Malok Aleng

1. The Commercialization of the Sudan Cotton–1972 (246 pages)

2. The Southern Sudan: struggle for liberty–2009 (340 pages)

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Elijah Malok Aleng (From Wikipedia)

Elijah Malok Aleng is a South Sudanese public servant, general, and politician, from Bor in Jonglei State. He was born on 28 November 1937 in Thianwong, a Pen village about five miles East of Baidit in Central Bor among the Angakuei clan. He attended Rialbek Bush School in 1949, where he passed at the end of the school academic year and he attended Malek Primary School (1950–1953), and then Juba Intermediate School and Juba Commercial Senior Secondary School, graduating He then atrtended Free University of the Congo, in the present Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and later got a scholarship to study in Fribourg Catholic University, Switzerland, from which he obtained a Masters degree in Economics in 1972 In 1975 he obtained another Masters in Development Studies and Economic Planning from Cambridge University in the United Kingdom.

Elijah Malok Aleng, war veteran of both Anyanya one and the SPLM/A, former MP of Twic East in the 1980s, and the first Governor of the Central Bank of South Sudan

He was elected a Member of Parliament (MP) representing Bor North territorial constituency in the regional parliament of Sudan in May 1982.

Early career

He enrolled in the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/SPLA) on 28 December 1983 and became active in its ranks. He started as one of the senior political commissars in June 1984, and then he went to joined the Cadet Military College, graduating with the rank of a Major. He was posted in Southern Blue Nile front, where he was the second in command after the late A/Cdr Wilson Kur Chol. The Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) forces of Eagle Battalion, which they were commanding, were largely made up of Dinka elements from Northern Bahr el Ghazal specifically from Abiei, Gogrial and Aweil Counties. He remained in Southern Blue Nile front until mid-1987 when he was accredited to francophone West Africa as a special envoy of the movement. He was the SPLM Resident Representative in the Peoples’ Republic of the Congo, with non-residential representation in Zaire (now DRC), Gabon, Cameroon, Central African Republic (CAR), Rwanda, Burundi and Chad. He was primarily stationed in Brazzaville, Congo, but travelled from time to time in the various capitals.

Elijah Malok Aleng, war veteran of both Anyanya one and the SPLM/A, former MP of Twic East in the 1980s, and the first Governor of the Central Bank of South Sudan

Positions and roles in Africa

He remained in Francophone Africa until the advent of multi-party democracy in 1991. In June 1991, he was appointed Executive Director of the SRRA where he remained until January 1993, when he was transferred and became the spokesman of the SPLM in East Africa, a duty he carried out for the whole of 1993. In January 1994, he was appointed Secretary of the national Convention Organising Committee (COC), which organized the First SPLM/A National Convention. The convention was successfully held in Chukudum, New Sudan, in April/May 1994. After this convention such SPLM structures as the General Military Council (GMC), National Liberation Council (NLC) and National Executive Council (NEC) were instituted. He was elected member of NLC representing Bor North territorial constituency and he also became a member and Secretary of the First NEC in the portfolio of Co-ordination and Public Service. In 1997, he was reshuffled away from public service and coordination to an advisory role in the Office of Chairman and C-in-C of the SPLM/SPLA. In that capacity, he became the advisor on economic, financial and political affairs. In February 1999, he was again appointed, for the second time, the Executive Director of the SRRA and ex-officio member of the NEC on humanitarian affairs in New Sudan. When peace negotiations began between various Sudan governments and the SPLM between 1985-2005, he was always the Secretary of the SPLM to the Peace Talks continuing until the CPA was signed in January 2005. In 2005 he was appointed Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Sudan (CBOS) and President of the Bank of Southern Sudan (BOSS).

Elijah Malok Aleng, war veteran of both Anyanya one and the SPLM/A, former MP of Twic East in the 1980s, and the first Governor of the Central Bank of South Sudan

Post-South Sudan independence

After the independence of South Sudan on 9 July 2011, he became the de facto Governor of the Bank of South Sudan (BSS) until he was dismissed by President Salva Kiir Mayardit and replaced by his deputy Kornelius Koryom Mayiik in August 2011. He introduced the first currency ] of the country which is the South Sudanese Pound. He co-signed the historic currency with the then Minister of Finance, Deng Athorbei. As a governor he tried his best to fight corruption and misssuse of public funds .

He is still within the ranks of Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) with the rank of a Lieutenant General. He has written a book Southern Sudan Struggle for Liberty published by the East Africa Publishers in 2009.

Hon. Raila Odinga: Cautious Optimism–A Realistic Approach to African Development

Cautious Optimism: A Realistic Approach to African Development

An Interview with Raila Odinga, Former Prime Minister of Kenya Oct 28, 2014

Yale Journal of International Affairs: You are here at Yale to deliver the Coca-Cola World Fund Lecture entitled “Afro-Optimism, Has the Pendulum Swung Too Far?” Could you describe for us what you mean by the pendulum swinging too far, and is it necessarily a negative thing to be optimistic about Africa?

Raila Odinga: This is an interesting subject. African experts are divided between those who call themselves Afro-pessimist and Afro-optimists. There was a time when there was a lot of pessimism about Africa—it was a “hopeless case”, a “basket case”. There was really no need to waste time on Africa; people were just going there to sympathize. On the other hand, the optimists are those who believe in the ability of Africa to develop—Africans can develop Africa. There has been a divide between these two views. Optimists now believe they are right, that this really is Africa’s time. The 21st century is going to be “Africa’s Century.” Even those who were pessimistic yesterday, are being convinced that here is something happening. So the question is, how far has Africa gone? Are we celebrating too early? That is the reason why we are asking, “has the pendulum swung to far?”

YJIA: In the 50s and 60s, many people were talking about “Africa emerging.” Today they are talking about “Africa rising”, but the language and rhetoric seems to be the same. So what is different this time, and are we simply going to be saying the same things in 30 or 40 years time?

RO: Looking at Africa’s history, first we have the independence years—when Africa divided from colonial rule. There were a lot of expectations from the moment the colonial flags went down and were replaced by the new independent flags of each country. There was an aura of celebration. It was short-lived however, and there followed a period of stagnation. A period of military coups and single-party dictatorships, these characterized politics in most of the 70s, 80s, and 90s—you could say up to the fall of the Berlin Wall. When the Berlin Wall fell, and the “winds of change” started to blow in Eastern Europe, this wind also began to blow on the African continent. So that is when the new changes came. First, the military regimes where removed or overthrown by popular uprising, and the same thing happened to the single party dictatorships. As we say, multiparty rule became in vogue during most of the 90s and into the year 2000. The change during this period was seen in term of development. Most economies—which had been more or less dependent on aid and had registered negative growth—began to register substantial growth. In the past decade, the African continent has become the fastest growing part of the world. You can see now that: out of the ten fastest growing economies in the world, seven are African. And a number of those countries are registering double digits in growth. Africa is the “last frontier” of human development. That is the difference. If you look at the independence period, there was a lot of optimism but this led to a period of stagnation and dictatorship. So we can say now that this the second liberation.

YJIA: Regarding development, it would be interesting to hear your thoughts on what is now a very fashionable question—that of China’s involvement on the continent. Do you think that African governments are doing enough to ensure that this relationship is not one of exploitation? After the Chinese leave, will Africa be able to maintain the infrastructure that has been left?

RO: Whenever China is mentioned, I always say China is the elephant in the room. It evokes different feelings in different people’s minds. Sometimes fear, trepidation of course—over-excitement. I would say that China is in Africa not just to help Africa, but primarily for China’s own strategic interests. This is logical; every country acts for its own strategic, national interests. So China is coming as a friend, but I know that China, of course, is interested in Africa’s raw materials. Now the question has always been: what is Africa getting in return? Is Africa getting value for its goods and products to China? I say that every nation must strike a bargain in dealing with China, especially knowing that China is acting in its own interests. Therefore each and every project must be negotiated to present the most viable commercial terms for Africa. China cannot just come to fill a vacuum—a vacuum that was left there by the West, the traditional partners of Africa for many years. The West pulled away from some of the strategic areas like infrastructure development. China however is helping Africa to construct roads, railways, airports, and so on. In exchange, it is getting Africa’s raw materials which it needs for its own industries. It’s getting the iron ore, copper, bauxite, oil, gas, and so on and so forth. So I would say that first there has to be value addition, and second there has to be technological transfer. This is so that when the Chinese leave ultimately, they don’t just leave this rotting infrastructure on the ground. It must be a sustainable development, so that people are not only able to sustain what has been developed but they can continue that process of development.

YJIA: Let us turn the conversation to Kenya and politics in Kenya in general. You are the leader of the opposition at the moment. What do you see your role is as leader of the opposition in a country like Kenya?

RO: As you know, the opposition is a coalition, CORD—“Coalition for Reform and Democracy”—consisting of 3 political parties. We had a pre-election pact to vie for the presidency as a coalition, which we did not win. We then made a post-election pact to create a strong opposition, both in parliament and out of it. In parliament, we have members in both the National Assembly and in the Senate and we have minority leadership in both. We have also got the whip. We ensure that our team in parliament keeps the government on its toes by making contributions to bills and motions and by presenting some legislation ourselves. Outside [parliament], I lead the coalition, and here of course, I ensure that the parties themselves are strong and organized. We ensure that they keep in contact with the membership on the ground and that the policies are being implemented correctly. As you know, we now have a devolved system on the ground. We have 47 counties and 24 of these are governed by the coalition, so we must ensure that these county governments are actually working and implementing the policies of our coalition, and that people are getting the services that were promised to them in our manifesto.

YJIA: With regard to devolution, you are now pushing for a referendum [to change certain aspects of the constitution] in Kenya. How much of this push for the referendum ties in to your role as leader of the opposition?

RO: Our main role is to make sure that the coalition is relevant. Secondly, we need to ensure that the government is actually delivering to the people the promises they made during the electoral campaigns. In the process of this a number of weaknesses and challenges have arisen and become apparent with the devolved system of government. One is in terms of constitutional implementation with regard to devolution. In the constitution there was a provision that a system called provincial administration would be restructured to fit into the devolved system of government, because it was part of the unitary system of the past. However, this government has actually refused to restructure it. They have simply renamed it—so for example, at the county level, you have the governor, on the one hand, as well as the county commissioner…so now there is a duplication of each position at each level of administration—it is a recipe for confusion.

The other issue is that of the allocation of resources. The constitution says that a minimum of 15 percent of national revenue shall go to the devolved units. The government, however, is using accounts from five years ago to allocate resources. This means that our governors have actually discovered that they do not have sufficient funds to execute their mandate. For example health care has been widely devolved but there is no money to pay the doctors and nurses, so they are going on strike. A different issue applies for transport, agriculture, water, and rural electrification at the county level. They have devolved and can only just pay the salaries but they cannot do anything else, so they are paying salaries to people who are doing nothing. We need to be more specific and increase allocation of funds for the county government so that it is not left to the generosity of the executive. Education should also be partially devolved and school infrastructure becomes the problem of the county government, and the national government should only deal with paying salaries. So these are some of the changes we intend to introduce.

The other issue is the management of land as a resource. The national government is trying to interfere with this. We want the land commission to be fully empowered in order for them to administer authority over land in the country.

Finally we want the electoral commission to be restructured so that it cannot be manipulated by the national government. We want it reduced in size from nine to five people who are not employed full time. We want to have them appointed by the political parties, and once they are appointed, they themselves will elect the chairman. This will actually assure a fairer electoral commission.

YJIA: Staying with the idea of the referendum, your political party, the Orange Democratic Party, was based on a former referendum in 2005 [the “yes or no” campaign for the constitution]. What would you say to critics who claim that your current push for a referendum is simply a political move?

RO: As you know there has been a lot of water

Conflict Alert: Looming Military Offensives in South Sudan

Crisis Group: Conflict Alert: Looming Military Offensives in South Sudan (click on the link here)

Warring parties in South Sudan’s civil war are preparing for major offensives as seasonal rains ease. Hardliners in both the government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army-In Opposition (SPLA-IO) are entrenching their positions, and think, as one opposition commander declared, “we will settle this with war”. Renewed conflict is likely to be accompanied by widespread displacement, atrocity crimes and famine. Despite some progress, nine months of peace talks in Addis Ababa have been unable to stop the fighting. With splintering interests, weak command and control and proliferating militias and self-defence forces, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the regional body mediating peace talks, must expand and strengthen its political links on the ground with senior commanders, armed groups and militarised communities not represented in Addis Ababa if a future agreement is to have meaning. The coming violence will present new challenges for UNMISS as it prioritises protection of the nearly 100,000 civilians sheltering in their bases.

The soon-to-end rainy season was accompanied by reduced fighting, which allowed both sides to import arms and marshal forces that were hastily mobilised at the outset of war in December. The government is emboldened, perceiving a diplomatic swing in its favour, following Kiir’s July visit to Washington and the August IGAD heads of state summit, giving it the space to launch a major offensive while stalling in Addis Ababa. It has spent tens of millions of dollars on arms – largely from oil revenues – (rather than humanitarian assistance for its people); strengthened its military cooperation agreement with Uganda; undertaken mass recruitment, including of children; and mobilised police units in efforts to regain some of the strength it lost with the defections of troops and loss of weapons to the SPLA-IO. However, major government victories are unlikely to end the rebellion. Furthermore, given the Ugandan army and Sudanese rebel deployments on its behalf, government advances will likely threaten Sudan’s national security interests, increase regional tensions and further inflame the conflict.

At the same time, state and opposition-supported, ethnically-based armed groups, such as the Nuer White Armies, have flourished and are only tenuously controlled by their sponsors. Including the Ugandan army and Sudanese rebels backing the government, there are now at least two dozen armed entities operating in South Sudan. The fragile coalitions threaten to further fracture, particularly in oil-producing Upper Nile State. Many of them, as well as some powerful generals from both the government’s Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and the SPLA-IO, have expressed their intention to fight on, even if the political leaders sign an agreement.

Despite these obstacles, the IGAD mediation team has focused on trying to broker a deal between Kiir and Machar in Addis Ababa, ignoring other actors. As Crisis Group warned in July, this lack of broad-scale engagement has led many commanders and armed groups to reject the political process. Most of these parties have their own interests. IGAD should work with the African Union High-Level Panel on Sudan and South Sudan (AUHIP)(that is supporting the Sudanese dialogue process), led by former South African president Thabo Mbeki, in order to secure the withdrawal of the Sudanese armed groups as called for in the January cessation of hostilities agreement and previous AU-mediated agreements.

Furthermore, despite many threats, IGAD has not taken punitive measures against the two main parties for violating cessation of hostility agreements, committing war crimes and otherwise undermining the peace-talks, and nor has it requested the African Union or UN Security Council to do so. Armed actors increasingly believe there is little muscle behind the mediation, which is challenged by divisions within the regional body. IGAD should continue the process with the two main parties, but given the deteriorating situation on the ground, it must expand its efforts and strengthen its links to other groups and militarised communities not represented in Addis Ababa, through increased political presence on the ground (not simply the Monitoring and Verification Teams observing the ill-implemented cessation of hostility agreements).

Its mediation should be supplemented by separate but linked negotiation tracks on issues not being comprehensively discussed in Ethiopia, particularly the Tanzanian-led SPLM party talks; a re-activated Political Parties Forum; engagement with armed groups; and processes to address violent communal conflict. Promising internal SPLM party talks have begun, sponsored by Tanzania’s ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM; in English Party of the Revolution), however they have not yet changed the calculus for war on the ground. The Political Parties Forum should be re-activated and the leader of the largest opposition party, the SPLM-Democratic Change, should be permitted to travel from South Sudan to re-join the talks. Much of the dialogue and work with community representatives, armed groups and militarised communities should take place in South Sudan, not in Addis Ababa.

China and the U.S. should play a more active, neutral, consistent and transparent role in ameliorating the regional divisions to help break the impasse. The two should take a harder line with their allies within the region who continue to enable the war and are party to cessations of hostilities violations. The limited U.S. and EU individual sanctions, aimed at punishing a few commanders on both sides that are seen to have broken the cessation of hostilities, have thus far had little impact on the combatants’ calculations and individual IGAD, AU or UNSC sanctions are similarly unlikely to turn the tide unless used as leverage to further political negotiations.

In light of the anticipated intensification of fighting, UNMISS’ mandate, due to be renewed on 30 November, should continue to focus on civilian protection. This is particularly true of protection of civilians already sheltering inside UNMISS and, where possible, it should extend protection beyond bases. Hosting nearly 100,000 civilians inside of its bases for an extended period is far from ideal, however the mission must continue to provide protection until conditions allow for their safe and voluntary exit from the bases. Civilians should not be moved into less protected UN humanitarian sites or other specially-designated sites where protection standards will not be the same as within a peacekeeping base. Supporting further ethnic divisions by moving people to their “ancestral” lands where famine and conflict are likely in the coming months is also not a viable option.

Many recommendations Crisis Group made in its December 2013, Open Letter to the UN Secretary-General, its April report, A Civil War by Any Other Name, and July conflict alert, Halting South Sudan’s Civil War, remain relevant to averting further escalation, improving the peace process and ensuring UNMISS has an appropriate mandate and posture. To stop further intensification of the war, IGAD should take the following steps:

• increase its political presence on the ground in South Sudan, with a specific focus on engagement with commanders and armed groups;
• start dialogue with all armed groups and militarised communities;
• open four separate negotiation tracks, both in Addis and South Sudan, sequenced and pursued so as to contribute to the broader national political dialogue and focused on: 1) the SPLM (supported by Tanzania’s CCM party); 2) a re-activated Political Parties Forum; 3) armed groups; and 4) communal conflict; and
• work with the African Union High-Level Panel on Sudan and South Sudan (AUHIP) to secure the withdrawal of the Sudanese armed groups as called for in the January cessation of hostilities agreement and as well as previous AU-mediated agreements between Sudan and South Sudan.

As the conflict threatens to intensify once again, the United Nations Security Council should take the following actions:

• institute an arms embargo for South Sudan, which must then be carefully monitored to prevent further escalation; identify the government’s and opposition’s sources of weapons and how they are paying for them; and increase leverage over the parties;
• establish a Contact Group that includes IGAD, the AU, UN, Troika (U.S., UK, Norway), EU, China and Tanzania to facilitate coordination and discussion on the way forward; and
• maintain UNMISS’ core protection of civilians mandate, including allowing civilians to shelter within UNMISS bases until they are able to make a safe and voluntary exit.

Greater coordination between regional and international actors is urgently needed to ensure the high-level peace talks better reflect the growing number and power of increasingly autonomous armed groups in South Sudan as well as the regional dynamics behind the war. A clear strategy for engagement with armed groups and facility for linking local negotiations with a wider national process will help prevent the civil war deepening and spreading further in South Sudan and the region.

An Assessment of the so-called Governors’ Forum

By Malith Alier, Juba

Opening ceremony: ministry of Communication

The Office of the President (OP) spends millions of money each year on a forum known as the Governors’ Forum. The Governors’ Forum is a gathering of the ten States Governors to discuss “relevant” matters that affect their respective states and in relation to the central government in Juba. The OP organises this forum since 2011.The fourth Governors’ Forum in a row kicked off yesterday at Freedom Hall in Juba.

The roads leading to Freedom Hall were littered with soldiers from the army and the police to protect VIPs attending the gathering. It is like previous gatherings were some main roads are temporarily closed for security reasons. This is usually done as a matter of precaution because South Sudan is not a haven for terrorists like al Qaeda or Boko Haram. The nearest to home terror group is al Shabab which mostly operates in Somalia and Kenya. That is just a side ditch for your consumption.

The Governors’ Forum was and continues to be a well intentioned forum for this country with a decentralised regime. The existence of National, State and County Governments meant that a forum such as this, acts to bring those levels of government together to discuss matters of governance in a single arena. This is also the case in other nations with such arrangements such as federal systems of governance. It is therefore, appropriate for South Sudan to have such forum.

The OP was right to initiate such a forum. However, there are concerns with the phrase “Governors Forum” and also with what is under discussion since 2011.

The phrase “Governors Forum” does not bring out clearly the meaning and the arrangement in which various levels of government participate. It’s not only the Governors of the ten states who participate in that forum but also the OP and other national ministers and even some county Commissioners and parliamentarians from states and National Legislative Assembly. There participate also the other areas Administrators like the Pibor and Abyei. This is where the problem lies and therefore, makes the discussion a talkfest.

Some of the governors expressed lack of follow up on the past forums. Governor of Warrap in particular expressed to the media non compliance to the previous resolutions. This is true. The citizens witnessed the past forum but nothing tangible was so far achieved in the history of such forum. If my memory failed me, anyone can correct it.

There exists a presidential advisor on decentralisation and intergovernmental linkages. This is where the so-called “Governors’ Forum” should have been modelled on. Simply put, the forum should be renamed “Inter-Governmental Forum/Board” because it involves all levels of the decentralised government. The gathering should be upgraded from its parochial to broader perspective that includes every. The ten Governors feel that the forum is solely theirs and tend to think in narrow way.

The other thing is, what has the forum achieved in its four year history? Evidence suggests that nothing this country should be proud of for putting money on the forum. The Governors, because of their narrow approach tend to push for their state interests to leaving the rest of the country behind. They mostly dwelled on further budgetary allocations even in 2014 where war is raging in many parts of the country.

Over the past two days, no governor or other participants talked about federalism, power sharing or the predicted famine. These are the pressing issues under the spotlight. Don’t tell me that the theme for this year’s forum is “National Reconciliation to Restore Peace, Unity and Reconstruction.” Reconciliation and reconstruction are far way like cupids in the sky.

The Governors’ Forum will continue to be a talkfest if not renamed Inter-Governmental Forum or Board. The Forum is broader than just governors of the ten states. It includes other emerging administrations and even the central government. So, the OP should be open-minded.

Provision should be made to early childhood education

By Morris Mabior Awikjokdit,

Early childhood education is an organized form of educational provision for children between the ages of 3 to 6 years old and there is a great need for the government of South Sudan to put much attention in the provision of pre- school across the ten states in the country. Such provision should be made in the form of pre- schools. Pre- schools perform their functions most effectively when they offer an informal type of social and educational experience to very young children, with much of the learning taking place through play. Pre- school learning is transitional between learning in the home and learning in the schools. South Sudan since the last concluded civil war that has resulted into hard won attainment of Independence dependent on foreign syllabuses beginning from unfix ladder right from primary, secondary to university level which is very difficult process in other advance nations like Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Tanzania and so forth have well established ladder of educational system. Our country South Sudan as a young nation learning to walk need to copy and imitate from her sisterly countries any means possible to address education requirements.

The pre- school can never substitute for the home and it should never imitate the school. By providing children with a large circle of playmates and a wide range of supervision, play activities and learning experiences, pre- schools supplement the extensive learning that occurs in a child’s home and within the home environment. As children approach the age of school entry, their activities at pre- school maybe less spontaneous and more ordered, in preparation for life at school, but purposeful play will still be the main mode of learning. Our high government ranks and files assumed that taking their children to East Africa will bring home quality education but it will never bring any single gradual change as long as their expectations about their children is accomplished than there is no problem for the rest of the children from poor families background.

The significance of education at this level lies in the importance of early experiences in the development of a child’s social, physical, mental and emotional capabilities, and in the role that early childhood education can play in preparing children to adapt to the more formal learning atmosphere of the basic school. This initial education also helps to build up children ‘cultural capital’ and to compensate for disadvantages that they may bring from homes where few reading, writing or other education related materials are found.

At present only a small minority like Equatorians children of South Sudan’s are benefiting and able to profit from foreign education at this level. Up to this stage, they have any problem with both educations, health and physical development process accept some invisible part of the country and this can be digested by wise politicians and philosophers. This is because there are relatively few pre- schools. The majority of these are privately owned and operated though some are run by local councils. All aim to meet their costs through fees which few normal Southern households can afford. In addition most of the pre- schools are found in urban areas like Juba, Yei, Maridi, Wau, Kuajok, Tonj mission, Himango and other parts of the country respectively where the population is large enough to ensure their viability.

Although some rural pre- schools exist, they are few and far between. Because of the associated costs, very few poor children enjoy the benefits of education at this end like the author himself. Because of its urban concentration, it reaches very few rural children. The national ministry of education should encourage the establishment of programmes that support all round early childhood development in South Sudan, particularly those programmes intended for children living in rural and poor urban areas. Within the constraints of available resources it will work to this end with partner state ministries, counties and urban payams, local communities, non- governmental organizations, religious groups, families and individuals.

The Hon. Minister of education should also continue to dedicate some of its resources to this level of education through the training of pre- school teachers, cooperation in the monitoring of pre- school standards, assistance in curriculum formulation and the design of materials, and support for the development of policy guidelines. I am seeing that the ministry of education should recognizes that early childhood education is very beneficial for the development of the child and useful as a preparatory stage for entry into basic or primary school. However, because of the limitations of access, it will not establish pre- school as a condition of a country entering into another phase of civil war and political unrest.

Childhood education policy

The national ministry of education should acknowledge the important role of early childhood education in the multi- dimensional development of young children preparing them to primary education. Within the constraints of available resources the national ministry of education should encourage and facilitate the establishment of pre- school programmes that would reach out to all children especially to those living in rural and poor urban areas. The provision and funding of early childhood education will be the responsibility of councils, local communities, non- governmental organizations, private, individuals and families.

Strategies and mechanisms

The ministry should provide professional services to pre- school education by training teachers for pre- schools, developing curriculum materials for use in pre- schools, and maintaining standards at pre- schools. The ministry should collaborate with providers, partner ministries and others to develop policy guidelines for pre- school and early childhood education.

Annexation of Upper Nile to Sudan versus Presidency: Which one will President Salva Kiir forgo?

By David Aoloch Bion

Yesterday on 27 , October 2014 , at 8pm on the BBC Focus on Africa , the two spokespersons  of the warring parties in South Sudan crisis announced , they disagreed on the powers of Prime Minister . Salva Kiir spokesman Ateny Wek  says  ‘’we offer the non-executive Prime Minister  to rebels ’’while  Riek Machar spokesman James Dak  says ‘’  we  reject non-executive Prime Minister ‘’

Last week  the rebel SPLM/A In O leadership met in Nairobi and passed two resolution  1 ,Dr Riek must be executive Prime Minister of  South Sudan  , if this is impossible , then  2 .   Greater Upper Nile must  be annexed to Sudan .

On Friday ,24 , October , 2014,  Taban Deng Gai went to  Khartuom  to ask Sudan to help them implement the two resolutions  , he was there to plan , how Sudan will aid Riek to be executive Prime Minster or how Greater Upper  Nile will be annexed to Sudan  . Taban mission to Sudan   was an anticipation of the unintended outcome of the peace talk which actually announced yesterday by Ateny and Dak.

Sudan had responded positively to Taban  by giving unspecific number of tanks, mounted vehicles to SPLM/A  in Opposition . These tanks and mounted vehicles are now stationed both in Pan Akuach near  Heglig   and Joda  near Kosti  at border . They are on standby .

As it was agreed by SPLM/A O leadership in Narobi   that   if Salva Kiir does not give up executive powers  to Riek  in Addis Abba on 27 October ,2014 ,  the SPLM/A In Opposition with help of Sudan will liberate  Greater Upper Nile and Dr Riek will establish   the Government  like government of  Somaliland  in  Somalia  ( in 1991 when Somalia became chaotic , the people of Somaliland region declared themselves Independent from  rest of Somalia ).. this what SPLM/A O is up to now .  After Riek declared himself the President of Upper Nile he will call for referendum to determine whether  Greater Upper Nile will remain as the part of South Sudan or  it will be annexed  back  to Sudan .

Indeed, yesterday,  President Kiir refused to give Riek executive powers , which was the first resolution of Nairobi meeting of the rebels to resolve the conflict. Therefore it is the annexation of Greater Upper Nile to the Sudan which was the second resolution of Nairobi meeting  . indeed , yesterday rebels tanks on standby moved in to Unity .

And the liberation of Greater Upper Nile started yesterday when the rebels attacked Bentiu., after the liberation of Upper Nile , referendum will be called by Dr Riek

Definitely, given the so-called Juba Massacre and the refusal of Salva Kiir to give Riek presidency, the people of Greater Upper Nile will vote to join Sudan temporarily.

Upper Nile will temporarily join Sudan until South Sudan given up claim over it. Then it will become the country of its own, it will first be annexed to Sudan for protection. And then later it will be declared a independent country of it owns.

The rebels will be aided by Sudan ,this is why the rebels recently call for the withdrawal of Ugandan troops, if Uganda troops do not withdraw, it will justify the involvement of the Sudan army alongside the rebels forces.

It is now up to President Kiir to choose between the two alternatives , losing Greater Upper Nile or losing the presidency.  Hopefully , he will lose the presidency and keep the territorial integrity and sovereignty of South Sudan by declaring the two presidential term limits . He should publicly declare ‘’ I , president Kiir ,declare that the President of South Sudan will rule for two terms .  I started in 2011 and am stepping down in 2020 . And all South Sudanese  will defense the country from annexation forces.

Star Petroleum Refutes Claims of Secrecy in South Sudan’s Oil Dealing

Dear Mrs. Vickers,

Reference to the publication by Global Witness of the report “Scrutinizing South Sudan’s First Post-Independence Oil Deal”, dated 27^th October 2014, STAR PETROLEUM would like to make the following statements:

• Again, we reiterate that we highly appreciate the role of Global Witness and other non-governmental organizations that investigates and campaigns to prevent natural resources-related conflicts and corruption and associated environmental and human rights abuses. We fully share those values.

• Since the Independence of the Republic of South Sudan, STAR PETROLEUM, always, has been confident about the future of the country. It has always trusted its Legal System and its Public Administration.

• STAR PETROLEUM, since its incorporation in 2005, and since the beginning of its activities in the Republic of Sudan, and after independence, in the new Republic of South Sudan, proved to be a serious and responsible investor, and has fulfilled fully its financial, technical and legal obligations required by laws and regulations. All proofs required by the Government of South Sudan have been already provided. Additionally, it is fair and important to mention that Star Petroleum always believed in the future of the independent Republic of South Sudan. We have been present in the country (first in Khartoum, before the separation, and afterwards in Juba) since 2008, and we have invested during all these years, having local presence and professional team.

ü  The following statements of your Report are not correct:

• “The Company is closely connected to a businessman convicted of a million Euro fraud”:

• Mr. Merino is the beneficial owner of a small minority current participation interest (around 3%) in the Company and was a Director during a short period of time. He presented his voluntary dismissal and now he has no role in any Company activity. According to Court´s public information, presumably committed the illegal conduct in period of time in which he did not have any responsibility in Star Petroleum as Director.
• The Court accusation against Mr. Merino doesn’t have any relation, directly or indirectly, with Star Petroleum or derived from his position as minority shareholder or former Director.
• Mr. Merino is not a convicted as the Spanish Court has not still given a definitive resolution.

• “The ultimate ownership of STAR PETROLEUM itself is opaque”.

• The ownership of STAR PETROLEUM as shown on page 3 of the Report is not correct in 2014.
• International Public Authorities and STAR PETROLEUM’S Compliance Department are fully aware of the identity of all beneficial shareholders of the Company in compliance with all European Union Directives and especially to 2005/60/CE and 2006/70/CE as well as the GAFI recommendations. STAR PETROLEUM is implementing international global standards against money laundering, corruption and terrorist financing, therefore, increasing transparency and enable STAR PETROLEUM to successfully take action against illicit use of financial or corporative instruments. As per the request of the Government of the Republic of South Sudan, a list of ultimate beneficial shareholders was provided recently to them.
• Disclosure of beneficial shareholders identity to citizens in a private Company is a matter of confidentiality as such information is irrelevant to them.

• “The deal is being negotiated behind closed doors, and through a loophole in the law, which means that Star Petroleum has faced no competition from other companies in its negotiations for the concession”.

 

• STAR PETROLEUM currently has valid legal title of a working interest in Blocks E and B, of the Republic of South Sudan.  Block E: STAR PETROLELUM signed a perfectly valid EPSA on the 6^th August of 2010 in Khartoum for Block E. This EPSA was agreed fulfilling entirely with the legislation of Sudan and approved at the time by the National Petroleum Commission. Currently STAR PETROLEUM is in negotiations with the Ministry of Petroleum and Mining of the Republic of South Sudan, to adapt the above mentioned EPSA, into the new Republic of South Sudan’s Legislation (Petroleum Act 2012), implying the signature of a new EPSA for Blocks E. Block B: Following that, parties involved are expected to sign a new EPSA for Block B.

• STAR PETROLEUM  participated in a competitive process and we were able to become successful.

• International prestigious Law Firms have been involved advising during the negotiation process both the Government of South Sudan and STAR PETROLEUM.

• “The company isn´t producing oil anywhere else in the world”.

• STAR PETROLEUM’s Oil & Gas Management Team is highly qualified and has large experience and track-record in the sector. They lead and participated in all technical, legal and commercial negotiations and meetings with highly qualified teams of Government of Sudan, and the Independent Government of the Republic of South Sudan. The Technical Team of Star Petroleum is particularly strong on the upstream business, in which the great experience accumulated by former senior Repsol’s International and African Oil & Gas executives (including Star Petroleum’s COO, a top executive with 35 years in Repsol, of which 18 years as No. 2 Executive of the Company- Repsol’s Vice Chairman- and Head of E&P).

• This Team is strengthened with engineers and professionals of other areas of expertise (professionals with expertise in Natural Resources, Consulting, Finance, Equity and Debt Capital Markets). All the CVs and personal data of the Management Team has been fully provided to the Government of the Republic of South Sudan. Star Petroleum´s Technical Team, throughout their professional carriers, has the following aggregated experience in the international up-stream sector:
• Experience in a variety of up-steam environments (including complex on-shore and off-shore blocks and marginal blocks)
• Responsible for more than 1,200 exploration blocks
• Managed Annual Up-Stream exploration budgets of more than $9,000m
• Discovered more than 6bn Boe
• Generating production of more than 1,04m boepd
• Operated in more than 30 different countries (in all continents), among others: Congo Brazzaville; Kazakhstan; Australia;  Kurdistan; Colombia; Brazil; Uganda; Tanzania; Argentina; Algeria; Libya; Bolivia; Peru; Venezuela; Trinidad & Tobago; United States; Russia; Canada; and Nicaragua;

 

• In addition, we would like to mention:

 

• STAR PETROLEUM commissioned, to an international consultant, a full study on the environmental impact regarding exploration activities in Block E, and will be executing its activity according to best international practices and the South Sudanese 2012 Petroleum Act in force. STAR PETROLEUM will take full care not to cause any risk to the environment and local communities in the concessions’ areas. The Government of the Republic of South Sudan has a copy of said report.

• Financially STAR PETROLEUM is a solid Company since its incorporation in 2005, having a paid-up share capital of 229,736,784 Euros and is not having any debts with banks or any financial liabilities to third parties. All company’s costs and expenses are self-financed through the bid up capital and shareholders’ loans. Star Petroleum is ready to finance its further investments in the Republic of South Sudan (Capex and Opex) as it has been proved to the Ministry of Petroleum and Mining of the Republic of South Sudan.

Accordingly, STAR PETROLEUM will not accept any accusations based on rumors, jealousy and unfounded facts that may affect the reputation and activities of the company.

The Ministry of Petroleum and Mining of the Republic of South Sudan is copied to prevent any damages that could affect also to the reputation and image of the Ministry of Petroleum and Mining and the Government of the country.

I would appreciate if you could make public this information in order to clarify and make your report more rigorous and professional.

Sincerely yours,

Ignacio Lacasa

Head of Legal & Compliance

Pso. de la Castellana 42-8º,

28046 Madrid (Spain)

Tel.+34 91.7811260 Fax +34 91.7811261

E-mail: i.lacasa@starpetroleum.com

Taban Lo Liyong: ‘I’m among the top five essay writers in the world, yet I am modest about it’

BY TABAN LO LIYONG

Kenyan intellectuals have never been kind to foreigners of more superlative endowments and achievements.

In the early 1960s Ezekiel (Es’kia) Mphahlele came here and established Chemchemi Cultural Centre.

A leading Kenyan daily editor and a leading Kenyan editor for a foreign publishing house managed to frustrate him and send him packing.

The best artist from South Africa, Selvon Mvusi, with great ideas for the development of art died in West Africa where he had gone for a conference.

His office was broken open and all his papers confiscated by the head of department. Had they been presented to his family, perhaps they would have been donated to the university. Instead an individual grabbed them. And they disappeared. Used up selfishly.

John Ruganda, upon his return from Canada, with a PhD on how Francis Imbuga tells the truth laughingly, was thrown out of Kenya through the machinations, largely, of one Chris Wanjala.

The ground for the action was that he had no work permit to stage a play in Kenya. What was wrong with going to get him a work-permit so that he could train and employ Kenyan actors and actresses? So that he could help develop theatre in Kenya?

Sometime in 1973 or 1974, Okot p’Bitek and I used to be feted by the Goethe Institute, Paa ya Paa Art Gallery, the USIS, British Council, etc.

A NASTY ENCOUNTER

One day after we had read our poems and were drinking the whisky or Tusker with which Franz Nagel entertained us and our followers after work, four of our young Kenyan followers turned nationalistically nasty.

They demanded to know why we were so popular in the cultural circuit of Nairobi. Why should we Ugandans monopolise these houses?

Why were they (Kenyans) being shunned? Why don’t we go back to our country? Okot started driving to Kisumu that very night in his Jaguar. In reverse!

After I had installed Ngugi wa Thiong’o as the head of literature department and realising that my presence was an interference I left for Papua New Guinea and headed a literature department there.

Okot also left for Makerere where he was appointed professor of creative writing.

Of the four Kenyans who gave us our marching orders that night, there was Wanjala, Robert Angira Otieno, Aloo Ojuka, Atieno Odhiambo, and perhaps Robert William Ochieng. (If I got any name wrong, Wanjala can set the record right. He had barked the most that night.)

WHAT WAS THE POINT?

Whenever I pass through Nairobi and find that scholarly publications on literature are increasing in Kiswahili only, I ask myself were we foreigners sent back to our countries because mediocre Kenyan scholars in English literature wanted to perpetrate the literary barrenness?

I do not agree that there are no intellectuals in South Sudan. There is the lawyer, anthropologist, ethnologist and novelist Francis Mading Deng. There is the international jurist Abel Alier.

There is the young autobiographer Steven Wondu and up and coming economist Bure Yongo.

I defy anybody who says The Last Word, Meditations of Taban lo Liyong, Corps Lovers and Corps Haters, Words that Move a Mountain; Ballads of Underdevelopment, Carrying Knowledge up a Palm Tree, Homage to Onyame, an African God, Culture is Rutan, are not intellectually leading products from me in the field of essay-writing, post-modernist novel writing and poetry writing in the whole of Africa.

Meditations ranks among the world’s best 50 post-modernist novels. In the field of essay writing I would rank high, among the world’s first writers, mostly Americans, if any five best essays are rated in communication, persuasion and exploration of new ideas.

I have been modest too long among non-readers, non-experts on literature and writers of students’ guides for secondary schools who call themselves professors.

When Kenyan universities start to insist on published critical works as ground for appointment to associate professorships and professorships then we shall know that the universities have come of age.

But that will not happen when so-called professors gather their shillings from parallel students. Do they lie on top of them, parallel? Or sideways, parallelly?

RWANDA IN THE LEAD

As far as intellectual progress is concerned, I bet on Rwanda giving eastern Africa a lead. Banda Academy did produce exemplary Malawian intellectuals.

The leading economist among them is Prof Thandiwe Mkandawire, the economist who was like me, an African Scholarship Programme of American Universities – scholar, then an American MA and finally an American PhD.

Okot p’Biket is Okot p’Bitek. Taban lo Liyong is Taban lo Liyong. To say “Taban is not as deep as Okot p’Bitek” is no criticism. Has Ochieng read and understood my books?

A critic who is at the same time an intellectual would read them to find out what they are all about. If he still has time he would then read Okot p’Bitek’s books to find out what each is about.

If there is any reason, or need, for comparison or contrast then he could do that on the strength of the corpuses of the two authors.

When I find myself at the age of 77 showing directions about how the scholars should approach my writings to those I had associated within my first year in Nairobi University’s Institute of African Studies, and when I say I am frustrated, then younger scholars laugh at me and my frustrations, as if it is an individual thing, I know that our salvation is still far.

WHO IS READ?

For Ngugi is neither read nor critiqued, Meja Mwangi is not read and assessed; David Mailu is just read; Okot p’Bitek’s Song of Lawino was just read; Okello Oculli is not dismissed, Susan Kiguli is not read nor made a subject of weekend seminars; Tim Wangusa in not read; Imbuga is read as a secondary school textbook.

John Nagenda is not read, Peter Nazareth is not read, Elvania Zirimu is not read, Margaret Ogola is read as a textbook, and Marjorie Oludhe is read as a textbook.

I am only known as the loud mouth who claimed that East Africa is a literary desert!

The article in question is NEVER READ. The text is out of context. My books do not fit in the secondary school curriculum.

The university students are not brought up to the standard that would make them feel at home in the intellectual word that we share with Ayi Kwei Armah, Kwame Nkrumah, Mkandawire, especially about the nature of the western world, and the world.

I am bemoaning all the books that are not read. What texts do our MA and PhD students study so that they produce unpublishable books? I do not know what specialisations the lecturers have for appointments, and promotions.

In this regard, I may be excused if I say university appointment and promotion boards are barren of criteria for selecting the best teachers for Kenyan graduate students.

UNIVERSITIES AND THEIR LOW STANDARDS

So, as an old “prefect” for scholarship, made so by my appointment by VC Arthur Porter in 1969, I am here again to say it is the universities that are maintaining low standards in Kenya (and Uganda, leave alone South Sudan).

Why not, for the next 10 years appoint professor of literature from America, Europe and a few West Africans?

If, like the elephant, I repeat the same stuff, it is because the old stuff keeps on presenting itself before me.

The profit motive, when publishers have fallen prey to profits that killed the Heinemann African Writers series, so that the books that sell the most were produced, those that were not ‘popular’ were discontinued, then be sure Taban’s works would not be republished.

I have asked a reputable East African publisher to reproduce The Last Word. After over 20 years, I have given up. I have brought from London Rex Collings Publishers a copy of Meditations of Taban lo Liyong, he has it by his bedside.

He has had it for more than six months.

Why don’t these our publishers, for every 10 titles that become school textbooks, publish one title to enhance intellectual development in East Africa?

Or why don’t authors and publishers jointly talk to the Ministry of Education to underwite classics to enhance intellectualism in Eastern Africa?

AN INTELLECTUAL LITERARY BREAKTHROUGH

Finally, it may be asked, why am I insisting on making the literary intellectual breakthrough in Kenya?

The simple answer is: Because I invested much intellect in producing intellectual Kenyans, using my best seven years, 1968–1975.

And because, somewhere in my mind I suspect the breakthrough in intellectual self-sufficiency as far as East Africa is concerned will be made in Kenya.

When it is made in Kenya, Uganda will follow, Rwanda will follow, and South Sudan will follow!

At times, instead of behaving like the addressed audiences, the Kenyan hearers seem to think they are interlopers.

Sometimes other Eastern Africans instead of reading themselves into my writings, think I am addressing Ugandans, or Kenyans only; without disciple, I am reduced to throwing my arms in the air and saying those with ears, let then ear.

This article is a part of the response of an interview by Prof William Ochieng (Maseno University). Professor Peter Amuka also wrote a separate response. All the articles first appeared in Daily Nation.

Top Nuer Politicians with the Gov’t Worried about their Positions in the Interim Gov’t

Kiir promises to retain loyal Nuer in transitional govt–Radio Tamajuz

“…I will do all I can to protect the interests of my Nuer brothers and sisters who stood with me during this difficult time. Your interest will never be affected; I will ensure all of you remain in your current position and add also more portfolio to what you currently have.”…….Salva Kiir Mayardiit reassures the top Nuer politicians in Juba

South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir met top loyalist Nuer politicians over the last few days in Juba where the politicians expressed concern over their positions if peace is reached with the rebels.

Ateny Wek Ateny, the president’s press secretary, told Radio Tamazuj that the Nuer politicians wanted assurance from the president that their positions would not be affected in any transitional government of national unity.

The officials include Manase Magok Rundial, Riek Gai Kok, John Gai Yoah, Barnaba Marial Benjamin, Kuong Danhier Gatluak, General James Hoth Mai, and various members of parliament.

Ateny said that Kiir reassured them that their positions will not be affected by the peace talks, but pointed out that members of the next government will be based on merit.

“A Nuer official will not be removed because there is another Nuer in opposition coming in to take over, thus all the Nuer who are in opposition faction will get chances in a transitional government,” he said.

The spokesman further said the issue of the internality displaced persons (IDPs) who are sheltering in UN bases across the country was also discussed as well as the reconciliation process.

Ateny said nearly 70% of contentious issues at the peace talks have already been completed, adding the main hindrance in the talks is powers of the prime minister.

He indicated that South Sudan is being governed by a presidential system which gives powers to the president only not prime minister as demanded by the rebels.

“The rebels want to change the system to a parliamentarian, but that one needs referendum with participation of citizens ـــــ and that should be done after elections,” he said, likely referring to the proposed 2015 vote.

Kiir to meet Bashir  

Ateny also said that Kiir’s long-awaited visit to Khartoum is not cancelled, but he disclosed that they have not yet been notified by the Sudanese government on the visit.

He said Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir has been busy with his party’s general convention which concluded over the weekend.

Ateny pointed out that the visit was a request by Kiir to meet al-Bashir to discuss the implementation of the Joint Cooperation Agreements between Juba and Khartoum.

THE RIGHTOUS HATE WHAT IS FALSE, BUT THE WICKED BRING SHAME AND DISGRACE (Proverb 13:5) Part. 2

Understanding Thanyang Jam statements and the so-called Jonglei State Students in Uganda press release

By KON Joseph LEEK

We are disposed in the world were the self-proclaimed-bright ones in their own wisdom tries to drag those ones whom they presumed to be fools in to the abyss of darkness forever.

Seemingly South Sudanese culture, recently adopted from nowhere by known people hiding in the darkness [few in the light fenced themselves] doing the unholy to the ‘innocence’ in order to succeed in their assignment of betrayal – to – rise, and ignoring the truth and live by deceits, dishonesty, corruption, exploitation, bribery, treachery mention them.

This is practiced by none other than the club of robbers and killers together with their angels of death and apostles of darkness who are always there to execute their bosses’ orders and given little – for – water thrown from nowhere in to their pit of darkness.

What is heart breaking most is seeing those ones who call themselves the future leaders of this country involved in such exercise; the case of Thanyang Jam and the 11 students of Cavendish who claimed in their press release to be the students of Jonglei state.

On 12^th October, 2014 a press release by certain 11 students appeared on Paanluel wel [website] claiming to be concerned Jonglei students in rejection to Thanyang’s statements on Sudan tribune on 8^th same month, with the headline; Jonglei Students Studying in Uganda Reject Generalized statement released by Thanyang Jam Dhuor.

Below is one of the statements from the press release;

‘We would like to reiterate, that there is nothing called the Greater Upper Nile students Union in Uganda and hence no statement will be attributed to any students of Jonglei State studying in Uganda as having switched allegiance to the Rebels.

Above statement and others are the ones my 11 friends have stated in their press release.

As far as I know and, as somebody who have stayed in Uganda since 1995 and in Kampala since 2006, has been participating in students leadership and associations since my entire living in Kampala, Jonglei state has never had a unitary union or association. What have been existing, are tribal associations like Bor Youth & Students Association, BOYSA (currently GBOYSA, Greater Bor Youth & Students Association), Gokrial, Rumbek, Aweil among others also exists, and there are other States’ associations like unity state students association though solely comprise of Nuer of Bentiu.

Jonglei state has never been together (never existed in an association in Kampala)

Other regions like greater Bahr-el Ghazal and Equatoria have been prevailing, though at minimal speed. Until 2010, three self-assured students [Gai Peter Manyuon of Unity State (St. Lawrence University), Haak Madol of Unity State (Kampala University), and Adier Simon Deng of Jonglei State (Kampala and Ndejje University later)] tested the waters of forming the Greater Upper Nile Students Union.

It became hard for them in mobilizing and sensitizing the Greater UPPER Nile students across the other universities and colleges.

The first meeting by the founders to sensitize was held at St. Lawrence University in my presence. The three members were given a go – ahead and were to exist as the founding leaders where Adier was chosen as their leader, Gai as the Vice and Haak as the secretary.

In 2012, when they [the three leaders] came to realize that most of the students were cognizant, another General meeting was called at St. Lawrence University, the leadership of the three was dissolved [Though no financial accountability after having stepped down], and I was appointed as the acting chairperson as well as the chairperson of the electoral committee despite the fact that I was finishing my course in the same year, the students could not accept my excuse of tests, course works and research dissertation, they requested me to add it (electoral chairpersonship) in to my problems, I was deputized by Deng Panchol, then Magok Chuol as the SG, Dak Tap Kulang, Suzan Pasquale, and others as members.

Two weeks later, elections were held, almost all the positions were contested for. John Thon Ajuong [may God save him wherever he lives] emerged the winner of ‘chairmanship’.

A week after the elections was inauguration at Hotel Equatoria, Gier Chuang [then, minister of roads] was the guest of honor; he came with other two – the current deputy minister of foreign affairs Hon. Peter Bashir Gbandi and the current deputy minister of roads Prof. Mijak Mijok Bilkuei.

Another function was done in November [same year] and the governor of Upper Nile H.E Kun Puoch was the guest of honor, he was accompanied by one of our unsurpassed national singer Gordon Koang Duop.

And during the inauguration of Thanyang Jam, the guest of honor was the current minister of petroleum Hon. Dhieu Dau but was too busy that he was represented by our current minister of telecommunication and Postal services, Hon. Rebecca Joshua Okuachi

One funny thing is how the 11 members masked their face with ‘Jonglei State’ as their identity and generalized the rest under their opinion. In fact, the 11 are members of three Dinka – Bor Counties [Duk, Twic East & Bor], one member of Fiji County and one member of GPAA [Greater Pibor Administrative Area under Yauyau’s leadership] all coming from one – University, Cavendish.

Looking at the above details, who are the Cavendish 11 to claim that there, is nothing that exists as GUNSU – U (for that is the abbreviation of Greater Upper Nile Students Union in Uganda)? Where did they come from? When did they come to Kampala any way and join that fast – tract university where people finish within the shortest time possible? In fact, it is since 2013 when I stopped being partisan in any student politics in Uganda and i do not know almost all the writers of this press release, so they might have come around 2013 and 2014, more likely, they are the ones rocking South Sudanese in Uganda’s student politics!

Since when, has Jonglei or Dinka Bor students studying at Cavendish became Jonglei Students? Since when has Cavendish been representing students of Jonglei? Or is this another bit of I am – representing you and don’t – forget – me game?

My Cavendish 11 friends are another Thanyang Dhuor [in another image] who tend to talk loudly such that they are heard by their god – fathers, and as well as trying to demonstrate where they belong while ignoring the truth of something here!

Well, as a knowledgeable person, you do not need to belong to somewhere for the sake of gain or consideration, you need to belong somewhere because you find sagacity there, and this fast and haphazard press release by my friends left me aghast! [Releasing something without finding its details or ignoring them [details]

If not for some Universities of these years [business minded] that admits anyone that later makes them [students] to pass through the [universities] and not giving any chance for the universities to pass through them [the students]! We would not have many sycophants as compared to what we are detecting here already

The Cavendish 11 like Thanyang, are birds of the same colors flogging together, at divergent directions. The 11 are flying higher to the Dinka direction where as Mr. Thanyang is break – necking to the Nuer’s direction. All running at a very wild and immense speed that prompts them not to see anything that they might stumble on or collide with

Thanyang is supposed to keep quiet and munch happily in his dwelling the $ 10,000 that was given to the association by Hon Dhieu Dau, and now is publicizing himself from his hidey-hole.

My 11 Cavendishians wherever they are, are the angels dressed in political attires [with tribal designs] already prepared to dance at the arena flocking the dance floor in tribal undertones. I am afraid, you are not gonna get hired for the government is already seeing you wanting to drive it at the tribal direction [which it is trying with hooks –and – crooks to avoid]

I have no problem with someone praising the rebels or government [as long that you have your reason to do so, please yourself] but if you support with a mental – assumption that “everyone has to believe what I do” or putting others in your opinion without others’ contribution/awareness, then you need psychological care/attention!

No one is clean enough among the leaders either in opposition or in Juba’s leadership to bring South Sudan out of this mess; what can suit my heart is accountability and bringing the culprits to face justice and baring both parties from being partisan in any South Sudan leadership. They are all living embodiments of what they preach! So, there is no different whether to be with the government or rebels. Members in the government are rebels in disguise and so are rebels. It is all based on how best you throw your political coin. So whatever you are doing is a waste of time [I always say this because I want everyone to live by facts not just tribal – acquaintances and connections]

“I think, tribalism is a mental prison…and pride of identity couple with arrogance is one of the leading factors that limit one’s ability to abandon it”, Duop Chak Wuol.

The writer is an independent journalist and a Commentator on Contemporary South Sudan who live in Juba, And can be reached on 0955091449and j.konleek@gmail.com

Will Star Shine for South Sudan?

For immediate release: 27Oct 2014

Will Star Shine for South Sudan?

Scrutinising South Sudan’s first post-independence oil deal

South Sudan’s first post-independence oil deal is high-risk and in urgent need of further scrutiny, according to a new Global Witness report released today. The seven month investigation into the deal between the South Sudanese government and the Spanish-owned oil company Star Petroleum for two of the country’s last remaining oil blocks, uncovered that:

• the company is closely connected to a businessman convicted of a million euro fraud;
• no information about who owns Star Petroleum is available to the public. Instead the company’s shareholders are all other companies registered in tax havens or unknown jurisdictions;
• the company isn’t producing oil anywhere else in the world;
• the deal is being negotiated behind closed doors, and through a loophole in the law, which means that Star has faced no competition from other companies in its negotiations for the concession.

“The block E concession covers 45,000 square km in four states – that’s a lot of ordinary people’s farms and grazing land,” said Emma Vickers, Global Witness’ South Sudan campaigner. “The government has to prove that this deal will help, not harm, those farmers and cattle herders by being open about who the company is, what kind of a contract they’re giving it, and what kind of rewards citizens can expect. From our research, it’s not clear that doing a deal with this company will benefit ordinary people. Without showing people that it will, the government risks fuelling mistrust among a vulnerable population who have often associated oil with conflict.”

The deal is being done at a time of crisis in South Sudan. The ongoing conflict has sparked a humanitarian calamity and left 1.7 million people displaced. South Sudan’s oil dependent economy is in trouble: oil production has been halved by the instability and international oil prices have fallen in recent months, depleting government income.

The government has repeatedly stated that it will use oil money to bring development to its people and to broaden the economy away from oil but, this year, a third will be spent on army salaries. Not only is the company an unknown, and the country is in turmoil, but the benefits of developing South Sudan’s oil industry both to the economy and to ordinary people, have yet to be proven.

“One of the fundamental problems with this deal is that the public know very little about it,” Vickers added. “Politicians have promised their citizens transparency and yet they’re negotiating behind closed doors. It’s time for them to lift the lid on who Star is and why they are negotiating with the company.”

South Sudanese law makers have already gone a long way to making sure this type of information is available to the public by putting strong transparency provisions in their oil laws. Global Witness’ research has discovered that the Ministry of Petroleum has activated those provisions and asked Star for documentation. Star Petroleum reports that it has provided a list of who the company’s owners are, evidence of its technical expertise, and an assessment of the possible environment impact of oil exploration. This is a positive step. The government must now take the next step and allow parliamentarians to review the deal and the documentation before it is signed. Star should also make this information publically available and easily accessible. When the contract is agreed, this must be made public too.

Global Witness put its concerns about the company and the deal to Star Petroleum. In its response, the company stated that it is “doing its business in compliance with local and European laws and all business ethical standards with full[y] transparency”.

/ Ends

Contact: Emma Vickers, South Sudan Campaigner +44 (0)7715 076 548 or +44 (0) 207 492 5838 or Sarah Morrison, Senior Communications Advisor +44 (0)207 492 5840.

Notes to editors:

1. Global Witness’ report ‘Will Star Shine for South Sudan?’ is available here: http://bit.ly/1tAdbY3.
2. Before publication, Global Witness sent questions to Star Petroleum on 18 September 2014 (http://bit.ly/1twO9um). Star responded to Global Witness on 22 September 2014 in an email the text of which is available here: http://bit.ly/1tYC9CK. Global Witness sent Star Petroleum further clarification questions on 2 Oct 2014 (http://bit.ly/1twOlK1). Star Petroleum responded in a letter on 3 October 2014 available here: http://bit.ly/1FPRxnW.

SPLM MEMBERS IN VICTORIA AGREED AND SUPPORT PEACE DEVELOPMENTS

SPLM MEMBERS IN VICTORIA AGREED AND SUPPORT PEACE DEVELOPMENTS

In a meeting on the 19th of October 2014, SPLM members met in Victoria Australia and resolved to support on principle, the new developments to achieve peace in South Sudan through the recent SPLM intra party consultations in Arusha Tanzania, the recent regional East African Leader’s meeting in Juba, consultaions between the rebel leadership team with the Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyata in Nairobi and the on going ‘hopefully final’ Peace negotiations in Addis Ababa Ehiopia.

The SPLM in Melbourne Victoria is highly appreciative to the continuous serious efforts being made by the East African Leaders and the Country leadership (and encourage them to continue doing so) to bring the war in South Sudan to an end so that South Sudanese people embark on concentrating on developing their Country with total peace to all the cizens around the new Country.

SPLM members here will continue to monitor the peace process and keep updating the communities in Australia and work hard on humnitarian efforts to help those adversely affected by the war.

South Sudanese Citizens, a hysterical chauvinism they offer to their leaders

South Sudanese Citizens, a hysterical chauvinism they offer to their leaders & great selfishness from the same leaders in return.

–

By Deu  Lueth  Ader   

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The aforementioned titled is vividly crystal & remained lingering in everyone’s mind but apparently nobody bothered him/herself to air it out to the public what he/she realized. From the genesis of the political consciousness in South Sudan, people of South Sudan maintained their loyalty to their leaders, irrespective of whether they are being taking care of by their leaders or not. Dear readers I am too eager to share my own grievances and some of you might have felt these grievances, whether for those who are under the influence of rebels or Government.

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Political crises in the South do not victimize only the State institutions, however; the citizens are the most vulnerable group that pays an immense price and subject to all the brutal acts as a result of every chaotic situation causes by political unrest. The most wonderful thing from my beloved citizens of South Sudan, is that, the chauvinism they offer to their unscrupulous leaders is none other than fanaticism, for both the rebels and the Government are being supported by their people with nothing in return for their allegiance other than bloodshed as rewards. The Government of South Sudan since its inception has never provided any tangible thing to satisfy the people whom they lead, security, basic needs and so forth; to its people but rather they do manipulate them merely to gain their political will.

–

Regardless of what I have mentioned, they (citizens) don’t care; they are maintaining their support % percent to the same leaders, leaving aside the grievances of being denied their rights by the leaders. When you look at all these stuffs you would find that, the people of this nation are either honest people who can’t rebuke their leaders may be for bigoted reasons or fearful of reprisal, to this trepidation they reserve and go mute. They are entirely deluded in their paranoia by their leaders without notifying whether they are not been taking of.

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From the onset of the recent rebellion which has been triggered by the political outrage in Juba, one may bog down, thinking, and I should be naïve to ask what kind of South Sudanese people are. Both Nuer & Dinka have been pursuing unforeseen objectives, the rebellion which is currently being spearheaded by Dr, Riek Machar has not been understood by the so called white Army but Dr, Machar manipulated them irrespective of ambiguities it holds. As rational thinking persons, the objectives of the rebellion should have been crystalized prior to take any action that led eventually to unjustified loss of thousands of lives on both side.

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Dr, Riek’s rebellion is fraught with a lot of confusions; it is speculated as misunderstanding which occurred among themselves as politicians but the last straw is tribal. He tells different thing when he is among Nuer, that his main objective of rebellion is to extract out the Nuer people from the bondage of Dinka kingdom ship something which was zealously received by Nuer as a real leader who can salvage them from unfair treatments they claimed to have been levied against them by Dinka according to them. While when he (Dr, Riek) is in the political arena he justifies his rebellion as sparked-off by the confusion and misunderstanding which occurred within the ruling party SPLM.

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It is so imperative that, as the people of this Nation, there are no grievances among the citizens themselves, but they are being used as tools by the retarded politicians for their political purposes. This political delusion must stop and embrace ourselves as brothers of one Nation and leave these disgruntled politicians alone, and see them in next two years there would be no any anarchy, for they would realize that you have eschewed supporting them from their political might.

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The Author of this Article can be reached at deu_arok@yahoo.com

Why SPLM Should Not be A Political Party?

By John Adoor Deng, Australia

SPLM WHAT?

Many people who have the focus in South Sudanese politics, these days have been bombarded with many coined Acronyms around SPLM. Truthfully, it has been a sense of confusion in digging to understand why do people defect from SPLM but later align themselves again with the SPLM in terms of retaining the Acronym; examples in his context are SPLM-DC, SPLM_OP, & SPLM-FD respectively. For clarity and for layman consumption, SPLM stand for Sudan people liberation movement, SPLM-DC stands for Sudan People Liberation Movement for Democratic Change, whereas SPLM- OP stands for Sudan People Liberation Movement in Opposition, and lastly SPLM-FD stands for Sudan People Liberation Movement Former Detainees.

This article shall explore historical origin of political parties, and unpack the significant reasons surrounding the importance of SPLM in the South Sudanese history of struggle and in the context of political genesis of freedom, and as well as the current political dispensation of South Sudan as a new republic. The article shall expose implications depicting why SPLM should not be a political party, but a national common identity that should be left with either national army or other national commonly shared ideology.

On the onset, it is essential to first look at the origin of political parties in the world, their common ideologies so as to understand whether what we popularly call the South Sudan really fit in the context of the world politics. The origin of political parties goes back to the 1600s. The ancient Greeks, who were pioneers in developing democracy, had no organized political parties in the modern sense. The senate of the ancient Romans had two groups that represented people with different interests — the Patricians and the Plebeians. The Patricians represented noble families. The Plebeians represented the wealthy merchants and the middle class. Although these two groups often mingled, at times they voted as factions or parties, on particular issues that were important to the groups they represented. In Africa, the governing system used were chiefdoms, eldership and kingship along separate tribal groupings

For many centuries after the fall of Rome (AD 476), the people of Europe had little voice in politics. Thus, there were no true political parties — only factions that supported one noble family or another. Political parties developed as representative assemblies gained power. In England, this change began after what was called the Popish Plot of 1678. These narrowly based parties were later transformed to a greater or lesser extent, for in the 19th century in Europe and America there emerged parties depending on mass support. However, the 20th century saw the spread of political parties throughout the entire world. The political parties are guided by their ideologies; common in the western world politics are conservatism and liberalism. For example, in the United States of America, the Democratic Party represents liberal ideals, while the Republican Party commonly represents conservative ideals.

Apparently in Africa, arm struggle was used as a major tool in the quest of independent in many countries in the continent. Arm struggle was predominantly the strategy used to unseat the colonial regimes. Contextually, after Sudanese (both Arabs & indigenous African) fought and achieve independent of Sudan in 1956. The South Sudanese was forced conditionally to wage second war for the independent of South Sudan. The independent which was later achieved in 2011. Historically, the SPLM was born in the second phase of South Sudanese quest for independent; it was thus a tool used to achieve South Sudan independence. Hence, SPLM was not meant to be a political party in scientific terms but an ideology meant to rally all South Sudanese around a common agenda which was than the self-determination of South Sudan with hope to culminate into total independent of South Sudan. The key word was liberation and movement. Obviously, it becomes inactive after independent. The question is liberation from what after independent?

This brings me to parade significant reasons dictating why SPLM should not be a political party. The following in my view have sharpened my intellectual impetus on opposing the existence of SPLM as apolitical party in South Sudan.

Firstly, SPLM has an outdated or already achieved mission that was a total liberation of the people and land of South Sudan. The independent was brought by a liberation movement carried by all South Sudanese people. This memorable and sacrificial work of all people from all work of life, from all creeds, faith, and gender cannot be narrowed to a single membership based entity.

Secondly, SPLM has become a source of conflicts, political bullying, and divisions with some cadres saying they are the ‘real liberators’ and questioning a patriotism of others who in really sense contributed to the struggle just like them. It is clear from daily utterances from SPLM speakers that boosting on who did what during the struggle is the only slogan being repeated each day.

Thirdly, SPLM is using the gone war rhetoric instead of policies that enhance social and economic development of a newly born country. It is not democratic in practical terms although democratic terms are used in pretense.

Fourthly, current SPLM is old school based, most of the powerful cadres in the current SPLM lack conventional knowledge of current political civilization. The world has moved from institutional power to people’s power. Hence, SPLM still holds to institutional power in the expense of people’s power.

Fifthly, SPLM is still using what Professor Anyang Nyiogo of Kenya call a political militarism. They act militants instead of using power of political persuasion. Honorable members of parliament like to be referred to as ‘Generals’ instead of civilian politician preferably.

Sixth, quitting SPLM is equated to deleting history of struggle. Quitting SPLM is seen as betrayal. It is this very reason that people leave SPLM but added in SPLM in their names (SPLM- DC, SPLM -OP, SPLM -FD) so that they are accepted or given credit of struggle. These are foundation set on falsehood rather than on ideologies

Having stated these, SPLM as a historical name that connotes the struggle of the people of South Sudan should be only instituted on a ground where all South Sudanese people should feel belong to and embrace it proudly. Realistically, SPLM should only be aligned to a commonly shared identity. For example, the national army fit this very well or other institutions such veterans, etc. The rationale and benefit of taking off SPLM name in politics are to provide:

• Equal platform of all parties to compete on policies and strategies for social and economic development of South Sudan.
• Encouragements of parties that are now badly labeled as non-contributors to the war of liberation to active participate without intimidation.
• An opportunity for South Sudanese to sees and practice politics.

As an SPLM file member, I believe that for the change to occur, SPLM must be repositioned, reconfigured, refocused to fit the current human political civilization or migrate it to commonly shared institutions.   I also believed that a political party must be ideologically driven and that the membership of the party is crowded by people who identified with the party‘s ideology.

Although ethnicity has shaped most of the African political parties, it is important for South Sudan, a country born lucky in the 21st century to embrace what I now call current human civilization. With this realization, SPLM should not be a political party.

The Author is John Adoor Deng, Director of Civil Society Organization in Australia, Former President of Sudanese community of Queensland INC, & Former President of the Federation of Sudanese Australian communities. He is reachable by emailing: dengjohn780@gmail.com

Nuer community in Ethiopia adjourned an election for candidates’ debate

By Mekonen Tefere

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

In a four (4) hours video hot debate facilitated by electoral board and experts, the candidates faced hard talk from experts and audiences.

Denay Jock Chagor, a South Sudanese American facilitated the debate in a video connected event.

Mekonen Tefere, an independent journalist based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia investigates candidates’ and audiences view after the debate.

On Saturday, 25 October 2014, the Acting Chairperson of [for] Nuer Community in Ethiopia – Nhial Wal Dap admits that the general election is adjourning to be held on Saturday, 01 November 2014. The election will kick-off by 10:00am-04:00pm and the result will be announce right after the voting.

South Sudan torn apart by man-made crisis in December 2013 and more than 188,000 Nuer are believed to be refugees in Western part of Gambella Region, Ethiopia.

In a separate interview, the Electoral Board Technical Assistant said that the video is used for future practical experience for other Nuer around the globe.

Mr. Garwech Kewer Kong who is also a sound Engineer and Electoral Board Technical Assistant added that the video would soon be release on the YouTube after election.

The debate was conducted in Nuer Language and two questions were purposely debated in English to test the candidate’s potential in Foreign Language.

John Jekow Doluoth, David Kew Mathiang and Gatwech Koak Nyuon were known to compete for the presidency.

The Acting Chairperson Mr. Nhial Wal Dap added that the key positions to be elected are:

• Chairperson
• Deputy Chairperson
• Secretary and
• Finance

President will nominate the rest of the positions such as Information and others.

Quality, Partnership and Education Accountability

By Morris Mabior Awikjokdit,

When talk about quality education, all learners should be facilitated in the attainment of the highest standards of learning through teaching of excellent quality. Quality is brought about by maximizing the efforts of all those responsible for the education of learners and by coordinating all the structures of the system so that centers of education, from pre- school to university, are places where effective teaching, learning and research take place and where the highest standards of achievement, in accordance with ability, are obtained by every student.

I have an opinion that, the government has abounded duty to promote the highest standard of education and learning for all. This entails giving attention to various interdependent factors, including the quality of curriculum, teaching and assessment, the quality of teachers in schools, schools and institutional arrangements, and planning processes. The government should also develop rigorous procedures for the evaluation of educational effectiveness and outcomes, and with due regard to the legitimate autonomy of individual institutions.

Building education partnership

Building the principle of liberalization and on the creation of enabling environment, the government should follow an education policy that encourages and strengthens partnerships in educational development. A cardinal principle is the acceptance by all parties that the various partners participate by right and not by sufferance in educational provision. To promote this participation, the government needs to create conditions that allow the human, financial and other resources under the control of private and voluntary agencies, communities and religious bodies to be channeled without hindrance into education sector of South Sudan.

The development of a strong commitment to partnership will require improved cooperation among various stakeholders, coupled with better coordination and planning of educational provision. Accordingly, while recognizing the rightful autonomy of individual institutions, the government will promote constructive cooperation that will enhance the welfare of all students.

Education accountability

There are many legitimate competing demands for resources in the country. The amount of money available for education of South Sudan is limited and it require further budgetary plan to be carried out by the Ministry concern to cater full payment of teachers, allowances, accommodation and their capacity building as well. To ensure the best possible use of available resources and allow for full public accountability, the governments require ensuring that effective systems are in place at national, states and counties, and institutional levels for evaluating the effectiveness and efficiency with which resources are used. Accountability measures need more attention to be paid to how well education serves parents, learners and the wider community at large.

The goals of the education system

In the light of what I have mentioned in my earlier article, the national Ministry of education should set for itself the goals of producing a learner capable of being animated by a personally held set of civil moral and spiritual values; developing an analytical, innovative, creative and constructive mind; appreciating the relationship between scientific thought, action and technology on the one hand, sustenance of the quality of life on the other; demonstrating free expression of one’s own ideas and exercising tolerance for other people’s view.

• Cherishing and safeguarding individual liberties and human rights.
• Appreciating South Sudan’s ethnic cultures, customs and traditions, and upholding national pride, sovereignty, peace, freedom and independence.
• Participating in the preservation of the ecosystems in one’s immediate and distant environments
• Maintaining and observing discipline and hand work as the cornerstones of personal and national development

1. Increasing access to education and life skills training
2. Building capacity for the provision of quality education
3. Creating conditions for effective coordination of policies, plans and programmes.
4. Rationally resource mobilization and utilization.

These goals will inform the education policies and practices of all partners in educational provision and they will also be the basis for teaching and learning in schools and colleges.

The author is a freelance opinion writer and a professional experience teacher based in Warrap state- Kuajok. He can be reached by email: morrisawikjok@yahoo.com or contact: 0954243501, 0912646306

President Kiir will be like Charles Taylor if he gives executive powers to Dr. Riek

By David Aoloch Bion

The message that leaked from the closed door meeting of SPLM party in Juba this week is that President Kiir has agreed to give the executive powers to Dr. Riek for the sake of lasting peace in country   . This was the message brought to him by the regional leaders,  President Kenyatta and the Prime Minister of Ethiopia .  This is goodwill decision from the patriotic statesman like him. He is convinced that peace must come at his expense of giving up executive powers. This is goodwill agreement. President Kiir will be the ceremonial head of state. Dr Riek will be the head of government.

Therefore, he will restructure South Sudan at his own discretion. Dr . Riek will rename South Sudan as the Democratic Federal Republic of South Sudan. As the new Commander in Chief , he restructure the army from  tribal SPLA into conventional , non-partisan , professional , national army  call South Sudan Defense Forces  He will restructure the Government from the corrupt, non –performing  to the clean , performing government .

In the first  place Dr Riek will work as the Prime Minister of all South Sudanese . After he make sure that all key , government position are held by his allies . He will change to real Riek of  1991 and Riek of 2013 . He will conspire with the International Community, whose policy now is Peace first Accountability second, he will arrest Kiir and hand him to the ICC to answer questions  on Juba Massacre .

President Kiir is now persuaded by the regional leaders to give up power for the sake of peace  . This is what the regional leaders  did to former of President of Liberia  Ck=harles Taylor  , the African leaders persuaded him to give up  power with promise he will be protected after he left power , but at the end arrested he was handed to the ICC , he is prisoner in the Hague now  . So does Kiir ,if  he give executive to power to Riek , he will be arrested after one year and hand over to the ICC.

So Mr .Kiir , don’t give us shock and awe  message next week in Addis Abba by saying you have given executive powers to Riek Machar and you are the ceremonial president , it is better you accept the defeat and  resign and give Riek the presidency of the country or you remain  the executive president come sunshine or rainfall. .

Or if you have concerned or worried about the suffering of the people and you want peace in the country, then both of  you step aside with Riek and give the leadership of the country to new people . There, both of you wait for the ICC as the UN says ‘’ PEACE THEN ACCOUNTABILITY’’