Not Every Nuer has a Date with Riek Machar

By Daidït Maa 

The shooting yesterday in Juba found me at Jebel Market with my cousins. First when we heard gunshots, we thought it was some drunken Anyanya guys shooting themselves. It is common to hear gunshots here and there in Juba.  No one used to give a damn about it till the December 15 ‘coup attempt’ that the government claimed was staged by Riek Machar.

Since then, any slightest sounds of gunfire have been attracting everyone’s attention and arouse their fear. But things had improved a little bit in Juba and normalcy was almost dawning on the city—till yesterday on March 5.

Heavy firing followed the sporadic gunshots and so we, like all the people in the market, ran away for our dear lives. We just ran away as far as we could from the direction of Gieda where the fighting was concentrated. We soon found ourselves at the National Security headquarters next to Jebel Kujur. As we approached, we saw all the soldiers, fully armed and in uniformed, cowering on the ground behind big rocks and in holes. Their guns cocked and eyes red.

Then I heard them speaking in Nuer! I thought we had fallen into an ambush. Back in my mind, I was sure that the shooting was another incident like what happened last year on December 15. It was a fight between the Nuer and the Dinka soldiers. I thought that it was the same case again: Dinka armed men versus Nuer armed guys.

Finding armed men speaking Nuer at the Headquarters of National Security was something unexpected. They beckoned at us, we were many, and having no alternative we just went, ready to face our destiny. That last year incident claimed many lives, this one would be too and we could be the first victims, I was reasoning to myself.

But then they asked us where we were coming from and going to. We told them that we were from Jebel Market and we were just running away from the whistling bullets emanating from Gieda military barrack. They signaled us to proceed, much to our relief and surprise. So they were our forces. That was when it finally dawned on me that there are Nuer soldiers too in the army and that it is not every armed Nuer that is baying for my Dinka blood.

In fact, the presidential guards where the last year fighting began is still about 50% Nuer. South Sudan army has three sectors and eight divisions. Two of these sectors are led by Nuers—Gony Bilieu in Malakal, Upper Nile sector and James Chuol Lam in Torit, Equatoria Sector. Most of the soldiers fighting in Upper Nile around Malakal are mostly Nuer while the majority of the Nuer soldiers in six out of the eight divisions of the SPLA haven’t defected to the rebel sides.

Later on as news of the shooting in Gieda yesterday trickled in, it was revealed that the issue centered on salaries, not armed rebellion by Nuer soldiers as some people had widely suspected and feared. The commander of the soldiers is a Nuer and the soldiers are mixture of all tribes.

So we should all know, as I ruefully discovered, that not all Nuer have a date with Riek Machar and his senseless armed rebellion.

What Happened on Wednesday, March 5th, 2014 in Juba?

On the March 5, 2014 Shooting in Juba, South Sudan.

By PaanLuel Wël, Juba

A sustained and heavy shooting erupted at Gihada Military Barrack on Wednesday, 5 March 2014 in Juba, the same site of the last year December 15^thmilitary uprising that led to the current humanitarian, political and military standoffs in the country.

While the December 15^th shooting was among the elite presidential guards, the March 5^th shootout was among another elite forces of the South Sudan national army: the SPLA Commandos.

These Commandos were the former bodyguards of the late SPLM/A leader, Dr. John Garang, and they have been the most elite forces of the People’s Revolutionary Movement since 1983 when the SPLM/A was founded.

Following the death of Dr. John Garang in 2005 in a mysterious helicopter crash, the SPLA Commandos have been left intact, though they have frequently complained of neglect  by the President in preference to the presidential guards.

The Commandos, under the late Abraham Jongroor, were the ones sent to recapture Boma after it was taken by the forces of the renegade militia leader, David Yau-Yau, in May 2013.

When the violence broke out in December following the December 15^th Mutiny, it was again the Commandos under Commander Abraham Jongroor that were sent to retake the strategic town of Bor after it was captured by Peter Gadet and the Lou-Nuer White Army.

Unfortunately, Abraham Jongroor—their commander, was killed in action at Pariaak before reaching Bor. After the death of Jongroor, his deputy, Gatwech Ghai, took over the command of the SPLA Commandos.

On March 4^th, the Chief of General Staff, Hoth Maai, was reported to have gone to Gihada in the evening to talk to the Commandos. Reportedly, the soldiers have not been paid for over three months, and were therefore demanding their money.

Their Commander, Gen. Gatwech Ghai, however, was said to have told them that he was not aware about any Commandos present in Juba because the Commandos are either at the front-line at Gadiang in Jonglei or at Buma.

Gen. Gatwech Ghai is reported to have told the soldiers that “anyone who want his/her money should report to either Gadiang or Buma to get his/her salary.” He is further reported to have wondered what they were doing in Juba when their units were at the front-line (are they deserters emerging from the UNMISS Compound?).

By the time Hoth Maai left them, it was said that there was some kind of unspecified general understanding, part of which was a general interview of each of those soldiers to ascertain their units and the reasons as to why they were in Juba or so, and then they would be paid.

It appears on the morning of Wednesday, March 5^th, Commander Gen. Gatwech Ghai has gone to brief and to interrogate them further. It was during that briefing and ‘interrogation’ that a shoot-out erupted at 9 AM, one that set the whole city of Juba on edge.

Ear-witnesses claimed that the questions being asked were derogatory and humiliating and that was how the misunderstanding ensued, followed by shooting. It is said that there was a big commotion and shouting and surging forward from the enraged soldiers, prompting the bodyguards of Gen. Gatwech Ghai to open fire on the rowdy soldiers.

The fighting then spread to the entire Gihada military barrack, with heavy artillery being involved. According to the government, only five people were confirmed dead, though eyewitness accounts talked of about 27-30 or more dead.

Thus, it seems the dispute was between the government and the Commandos over delayed salaries, and didn’t obviously have tribal undertone since the unit is composed of all tribes and the Commander representing the government is a Nuer by ethnicity.

What is true though is that most (but not all) of the soldiers from Commandos demanding their salaries were Nuers (and so is Gatwech Ghai) and it is not clear if that factor played into the failure by the government to pay them on time (on the suspicion that any Commado still in Juba had deserted the army and was therefore not entitled to salary).

What is not clear too is why they were/are still in Juba when their units are deployed in Gadiang and Boma. It could be that they had feared for their lives and had taken refuge at the UNMISS compound, not as rebels but because of last year killing in Juba.

Some reports alleged that the soldiers had simply melted into the civil population following last year violence in Juba but then later regrouped and took residence at Gihada Military Barrack where few of their comrades are still stationed.

The account that the March 5th shooting was not related to last year rebellion nor another aborted coup is a version corroborated by many government officials.

According to the SPLA Information and Communication Director, Brig. Gen. Malaak Ayuen, “What happened this morning was a very limited shooting, by a limited number of some few commandos in a very limited area.”

Cabinet Affairs Minister Martin Elia Lomoru concurred that the issue was over salaries, but not related to rebellion: “I understand that salary payment was ongoing in Gieda this morning, probably differences over the procedures payment may have sparked the firing.”

And Awan Guol Riak, the Minister in the Office of the President, explained that “It was just a misunderstanding which arose between soldiers. The situation is now under control.”

Reportedly, some arrests have been made, although it is widely believed that some soldiers did flee into the bush. After the shooting started, Gen. Gatwech was escorted to safety by his bodyguards and was received by top government officials afterwards.

The shooting was eerily reminiscent of the December 15^th military rebellion within the Republican Guards. That it was again at Gihada Military Barrack, in the heart of Juba city, didn’t help matters much.

The True Visionary Thomas Sankara–The African Che Guevara

Indeed, Africa and the world are yet to recover from Sankara’s assassination. Just as we have yet to recover from the loss of Patrice Lumumba, Kwame Nkrumah, Eduardo Mondlane, Amilcar Cabral, Steve Biko, Samora Machel, and most recently John Garang, to name only a few. While malevolent forces have not used the same methods to eliminate each of these great pan-Africanists, they have been guided by the same motive: to keep Africa in chains.

—–

Street world

By Constant’s DC

There he comes,
Fingers flickering,
Ribs like guitar,
Hallucinating in grief,
Bodied by skeleton,
Lifeless eyes
In tatters outfit Salala! Is that all?

He walks to the pit,
Probing for life in filthy places Picking anything resembling chow Is that what we can afford?
No fatherly love,
No motherly apprehension
But! Only street concern

The taxi driver emerge,
Driving a charming mini cab,
Suited with luxury,
Chokora! He yelled,
He ran committedly towards the taxi,
There he receive bottle of yoghurt,
He grasped with his thin stick-like fingers,
He smile heavily and gives thank to the driver, The driver drove very hasty.

He pulls the top open,
Smile and take a sip,
Oh! Hulululu sumu! Sumu!
He staggers like a drunkard and fall off,
He struggle for breath,
But was futile
He was poisoned.

Oh! The son of mama earth promoted to glory in agony.
Fast and smiley the driver returns,
Claiming all the responsibilities,
Collect the innocent body from the mortuary, Took it, mutilate it and fed his dogs
Oh! Son of the hell world is finished and gone. Richer he is, in heaven but curse is the killer.

By constant’s 2006

A Poisonous Thorn in Our Hearts: Sudan and South Sudan’s Bitter and Incomplete Divorce [Paperback]

Book Description: Publication Date: 7 Mar 2014

By BBC Correspondent, James Copnall

What happened after Africa’s biggest country split in two? When South Sudan ran up its flag in July 2011, two new nations came into being. In South Sudan a former rebel movement faces colossal challenges in building a new country. At independence it was one of the least developed places on earth, after decades of conflict and neglect. The ‘rump state’, Sudan, has been debilitated by devastating civil wars, including in Darfur, and lost a significant part of its territory, and most of its oil wealth, after the divorce from the South. In the years after separation, the two Sudans dealt with crippling economic challenges, struggled with new and old rebellions, and fought each other along their disputed border. Benefiting from unsurpassed access to the politicians, rebels, thinkers and events that are shaping the Sudans, Copnall draws a compel- ling portrait of two misunderstood countries. A Poisonous Thorn in Our Hearts argues that Sudan and South Sudan remain deeply interdependent, despite their separation. It also diagnoses the political failings that threaten the future of both countries. The author puts the turmoil of the years after separation into a broader context, reflecting the voices, hopes and experiences of Sudanese and South Sudanese from all walks of life.

Examining the Exchange Rate Policy in RSS: Who was Right between Parliament and the Bank of South Sudan

Examining the exchange rate policy in South Sudan – who was right between Parliament and the Bank of South Sudan 

By Garang Atem

In a circular dated 11 November 2013, the governor of Central Bank of South Sudan directed banks and other stakeholders about a regulatory change it made to exchange rate policy that the dollar was to sell at 4.5 SSP from 3.16 SSP. This directive was to move the exchange rate to dirty float were banks and bureaus will bid for dollars instead of allocation at predetermined rate.

On 13th November 2013, the Bank rescinded the directive after parliament summoned the governor and asked him to reverse his decision. Key issues in the devaluation debate were sustainability of a fixed regime and impact of devaluation on domestic prices and economic activities.

The implication of rescinding the devaluation policy was to bring back the flaws that have dogged South Sudan exchange rate market. First, it enhances growth of shallow financial institutions that are building long-term financial instability in the future.

As at end of November 2012, there were about 18 banks and 68 bureaus whose incomes were mainly from currency trading. In 1990s, Kenya went through turbulent financial stress as most of its shallow were going through financial instability.

Secondly, allocating dollars to banks and bureaus has accelerated inequality and distributive injustices in the country, as there is a shortage of hard currency, bureaus and banks only allocated dollars to well-connected and at time with kick-backs.

Thirdly, allocation of dollars has institutionalized rent-seeking behavior through licensing and allocation and finally a fixed rate passes the obligation to Central Bank to maintain the exchange rate at 3.16 SSP even at times when reserves wither; a case was during oil shutdown or as it maybe now as conflict has interrupted production in key oil fields.

With the above flaws, and mandated by Central Bank Act 2011, the Bank had incentive to evaluate its exchange rate policy and change the policy if appropriate including opting devaluation as it did.

The type of exchange rate chosen by a country is determined by its integration into global financial system, country specifics economic disturbances exposure, economic structure, and exchange rate risks. For the case of South Sudan, as an import country, the impact of devaluation on prices was going to be critical and sustainability of fixed regime.

During devaluation debate, the parliament took a short term comfort by forcing the Bank to rescind its proposed devaluation policy to keep imports prices low. The Bank proposed to devalue the pound in my view so as to reduce the sustainability obligation. With insecure and unreliable partner in the Khartoum, sustain must have been a parameter from the side of the Bank.

Now the worst is here, South Sudan has a fixed exchange regime with a troubled oil export. Sustaining a fixed regime must a great headache to the Bank while parliament has since fast forgotten the harm it has caused.

I am sure the Bank had challenges during the oil shutdown and these lessons form the basis of the Bank policy position on exchange that was overruled by parliament.

During the exchange rate debate last year, most comments were that devaluation will increase export as theorized by economic. However, the unique constraints of insecurity, lack of infrastructure, capital, attitudinal problems, lack of capital, and lack of entrepreneurship skills. However in my view, these impediments break down the devaluation as tool improve exports.

Second, weak financial system that is not integrated into global economy renders helpless Fleming–Mundell of feedback and self-regulating view through the capital market. Supported by specific country risks, freely floated exchange rate will skyrocket the imports’ prices.

As I argued now and before, the exchange rate policy will never and can never with current economic fundamentals can be used to improve export and to improve international competitiveness.

In the light of all the foregoing illustrations, an appropriate exchange rate policy was one that was going keep to inflation reasonable, prioritizes sustainability and ignores international competitiveness till such a time structural problems of the economy are sorted.

In this regard, I agreed with the proposal by the Bank to allow banks and bureaus to bids for hard currencies, this would have minimized problems that are currently being witness under a fixed regime.

Second, I disagreed with the part of the policy that advocated for increasing the dollar price from 3.16SSP to 4.5SSP immediately. This should have been done gradually to ensure rate at which pound is depreciated is monitored and hence control inflation within reasonable rate.

Had the devaluation been done gradually, parliament intervened in a professional way by allowing only a specialize economic committee to debate with the Bank, South Sudan would have got a better deal – an outright devaluation or fixed regime are not a better deals for South Sudan based on her current economic fundamentals.

Neither sure nor aware how the Bank intends to manage fixed regime under such circumstances, the clear lesson is that by encroaching on the role of the Bank, the parliament has ignored independence of the Bank as defined in the Act.

As South Sudan navigates the tough economic waters, the policies and decisions should be based on a holistic view of the current and the future, in part this article was meant to call for use of professional in decision making – with due diligence on impacts of the decisions. As for now, sustaining a fixed regime remains a true challenge to the Bank of South Sudan not the parliament.

Gabriel Garang Atem Ayiik is an independent economic commentator based in South Sudan.

President Kiir Appoints Taban Deng to Lead the SPLM Internal Reconciliation Process in Addis Ababa

Dear all,

SPLM Political Bureau members arrived in Addis Ababa and will commence reconciliation process on Thursday. EPRDF and ANC are reconciling the SPLM leaders.

Today, Cde Salva Kiir appointed Taban Deng Gai to lead the reconciliation process of the members of the SPLM Polit Bureau. After the reconciliation is complete, a peace will be signed where the SPLM members will go to Juba to review the laws of the party.

It should be noted that Dr. Riek Machar accepted the reconciliation within the SPLM party and agreed with Kiir to appoint Taban to lead the group. The group of seven such as John Luk, Gier Chuang, etc are part of the reconciliation. Rebecca Nyandeng Garang also accepted and is now in Addis.

We should appreciate Dr. Riek Machar for accepting the reconciliation because there is no need for IGAD mediation if members of SPLM Polit Bureau could be reconciled.

After the reconciliation, the process of return to Juba shall commence. The first group of Rebecca Nyandeng and John Luk will go to Juba to meet cde Salva Kiir to demonstrate to the people of South Sudan that SPLM leaders have united.

By Gordon Buay Malek

——–

Riek Machar and Taban Deng agreed to reconcile with President Kiir: SPLM internal reconciliation initiative aims to move stalled South Sudan peace talks

ADDIS ABABA (5 Mar.)–

A high-level internal reconciliation initiative within the SPLM is expected to start today or tomorrow in Addis Ababa as negotiations between the government and opposition forces remain stalled.

Luka Biong, a member of the National Liberation Council of the SPLM and a former minister in the Office of the President, told Radio Tamazuj that the reconciliation will be facilitated by representatives of the ruling parties of Ethiopia (EPRDF) and South Africa (ANC) as they have experiences relevant to the current crisis in the SPLM.

The initiative was referred to by IGAD mediators in their statement on Monday, disclosing that “a team of SPLM leadership will convene shortly, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, to develop an agenda, modalities, and timeframe for Review and Self-Assessment of the SPLM.”

Envoys for the regional body IGAD chaired by the Ethiopian Prime Minister further pointed to “the need for an SPLM intra-party dialogue, and the positive contribution it could make to the broader political dialogue and national reconciliation.”

According to Biong, the party chairman Salva Kiir has appointed a preparatory committee to discuss the agenda for the next meeting of the SPLM Political Bureau. The committee includes Taban Deng, the main negotiator of the opposition forces, who is charged with treason.

Four members of the SPLM Political Bureau are set to arrive from Juba – Daniel Awet, Paul Mayom, Akol Paul, and Jemma Nunu, representing the group still aligned with Kiir, while the other four already in Addis Ababa – Deng Alor, John Luk, Kosti Manibe and Taban Deng – are either part of the opposition or the so-called ‘third party’.

Former minister of cabinet affairs Luka Biong suggested the new move will try to address the crisis in South Sudan through reconciliation within the SPLM. “Civil society organizations and other political parties should make sure that their voices are heard in setting the agenda for the SPLM Political Bureau,” he added.

Trial of four detainees

The trial of four detainees, including former SPLM secretary general Pagan Amum, and the former chief of staff, Oyay Deng, together with Majak Agoot and Ezekiel Lul is expected to begin on 10 March in Juba.

Luka Biong assumes that the detainees do not have resources to hire competent lawyers except few national lawyers who volunteer.

“As President Salva has shown a commitment to reconciliation within the SPLM as reflected in his appointment of Taban Deng, who stands as well to be tried for treason charges, we expect him to show the same commitment and spirit to the release of the four detainees,” he said.

He urges “civil society organizations and peace-loving people of South Sudan and the world to call for clemency from President Salva to release Pagan, Oyay, Majak and Ezekiel for sake of peace, reconciliation and stability in South Sudan.”

“Whatever effort you can exert for the release of the four detainees will be a big service not only to the families of the detainees but also to the peace and stability in South Sudan,” Luka Biong says.

Biong is currently a fellow at the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy at Harvard Kennedy School. He is now in Addis Ababa to advise on the meetings.

——-

Sudan Tribune: Kiir forms committee for SPLM leadership meeting

March 5, 2014 (JUBA)-South Sudan president Salva Mayardit has formed a preparatory committee tasked with organisation and setting the agenda of the meeting expected to bring together rival groups within the leadership of the ruling Sudan People’s liberation Movement (SPLM).

The committee consists of the following 8 members : Daniel Awet Akot, Paul Mayom, Akol Paul, Jemma Nunu, Deng Alor, John Luk Jok, Kosti Manibe and Taban Deng. It is tasked with the preparation of the agenda for the next meeting of the SPLM Political Committee.

It is not clear what issues the committee will discuss, but multiple sources and officials with direct knowledge of the arrangement have told Sudan Tribune that the focus of the meeting would be on internal reconciliation amongst the party’s leaders.

The members of the committee loyal to the government were expected to leave on Wednesday to the Ethiopian capital of Addis, where a meeting was planned to commence either on Wednesday orThursday.

The meeting is reportedly facilitated by the ruling parties of Ethiopia (EPRDF) and South Africa (ANC) as they have relevant experiences to the current crisis in the governing SPLM crisis.

Daniel Awet, a member of the political bureau and a close ally of President Salva Kiir confirmed the formation of the committee and acceptance of the head of state of the convening of such high meeting.

If held, it would be the first official meeting bringing together the rival factions within the SPLM who have had difficult time agreeing on the agenda at the level of political bureau since differences emerged.

Luka Biong Deng, a senior member of the governing Sudan People’s Liberation Movement also confirmed the formation of the committee.

“Many people have been asking me about the committee. The Chairman of the SPLM has formed a committee”, Deng, said in an email message seen by Sudan Tribune.

He called on the civil society organisations and other political parties to help set the agenda of the meeting.

“Although the negotiations are stalled, the current focus on the reconciliation within the SPLM is a right move and civil society organizations and other political parties should make sure that their voices are heard in setting the agenda for the SPLM Political Bureau”, he adds.

SACRIFICIAL LAMB

While many have welcomed the significant of prioritising the internal reconciliations, several others have expressed scepticism over whether president Kiir would respect the outcome of the meeting.

“The convening of the political bureau meeting is what precipitated the violence. The President himself repeatedly refused to call it, even when influential groups, including respected personalities and religious leaders emphasised the significance of reconciliation, a dissident official within the SPLM told Sudan Tribune.

The critics charged people surrounding the president suggesting that they prevent him from listening to what is said by the others.

“Kiir does not listen. He has been spoiled by the people around him that he sees with his own eyes. The meeting he is now accepting is what he had been refusing. What purpose it will serve after the loss of thousands of lives of innocent people have been lost”, he asked.

Deng Awuol, a native of Jonglei state said the convening of the meeting was necessary because it would enable the country to move forward to ensure holding the 2015 general elections without war.

“There is no reason to hate each other. I think President Kiir will reflect on the cause of the liberation in which he spent much of his time fighting in the bush. So, I welcome the convening of this meeting if it is true that the president had accepted holding it”, Awuol said Wednesday.

Analysts and independent observers while welcoming the idea gave different interpretations, with some calling it an attempt by the government to divide and weaken the strength of the opposition.

“This is the first time I am hearing about it. Anyway, I am not surprised because politics is the art of possibilities. But what I know is that this is an attempt by the government to divide and weaken the strength of the opposition”, said a local political commentator who did not want to be identified.

“You know that Taban Deng Gai who is now on the committee has been charged with treason by the government of the president Salva Kiir. What does this mean? It means either Taban had been bought off by the government to abandon rebellion and join the government or he is sacrificing Riek Machar and his group”, he added.

Another commentator said he expects such development to have given the background of Taban Deng Gai and Major Peter Gadet Yak.

“Riek is a sacrificial lamb for the return of Taban to the fold of leadership. He is like General Peter Gadet Yak. If Riek is not careful, they can even kill him to return to the fold of leadership. We saw that in the way Gadet frequently switched side between Khartoum and several militias and the SPLA during war. Taban went with Riek in 1991 split and later returned (to the then rebel group) before Riek”, said another political commentator, also requesting anonymity.

The second commentator concluded by saying he would be surprised to see Taban rejoining the presidential clan “and leave Riek like he did before”.

Rebels downplay Salva Kiir’s formation of SPLM committee–Sudan Tribune

The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement In Opposition (SPLM-In-Opposition), has questioned the legality and authority of president Salva Kiir forming a joint committee from members of the party’s politburo, including those that have rebelled against the party chairman.

South Sudan president Salva Kiir has formed a preparatory committee tasked with making the arrangements for an upcoming meeting expected to bring together rival groups within the leadership of the SPLM.

The committee is a mixture of government loyalists, rebels and former detainees or third bloc officials. Its members are Daniel Awet Akot, Paul Mayom, Akol Paul, Jemma Nunu, Deng Alor, John Luk Jok, Kosti Manibe and Taban Deng Gai.

The eight-member committee will be primarily responsible for preparing the agenda for the next meeting of the SPLM political committee, which was proposed in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, by the mediators of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

It is not clear what issues the committee will discuss, but multiple sources and officials with direct knowledge of the arrangement have told Sudan Tribune that the focus of the meeting would be on internal reconciliation among the party’s leaders.

However, the spokesperson for the rebel leader, Riek Machar, questioned the legality by Kiir to form such a joint committee including their senior rebel leaders.

“First of all, the proposal for internal reconciliation between the two SPLMs, as a new mechanism to try and resolve the ongoing violent conflict, was not initiated by Salva Kiir. Further, he is not the leader of some of those groups he has appointed to his committee, and therefore the formation of such a joint committee is unnecessary and procedurally illegal,” said Machar’s spokesperson, James Gatdet Dak in statements to Sudan Tribune on Thursday.

He said the forum proposal was initiated by members of the IGAD mediating team, which he said the two parties had to simply study, and if acceptable, they would develop their respective positions or listen to the mediators if they have a draft.

“Kiir knows very well that, for instance, comrade Taban Deng Gai is our Chief Negotiator, whom he has no authority over him. He also dismissed him [Gai] from memberships of both the Political Bureau and SPLM party as well as charged him of alleged treason,” Dak wondered, saying the leadership of the opposition was surprised to read about it in the media.

He said the president who also chairs the party was the very person who resisted numerous calls to hold the political bureau meeting in 2013, which the rebel leader’s spokesperson said would have resolved the misunderstandings that have now “consequently culminated in the ongoing violence.”

He further added that if the government was “excited” to form a committee which included members of the opposition, the first attempt they should have procedurally done was to ‘reverse Kiir’s decrees that were based on one man’s decision to charge and dismiss at will officials from the party.”

Dak however said if there will be need for specialised committees from both sides to tackle the reconciliation process, each side in the conflict will appoint its respective committee.