Archive for April 28, 2012

David De Chand: What a Disgrace!!

Posted: April 28, 2012 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Featured Articles
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By Luk Kuth Dak- USA.

For several years now, those of you who regularly read my political viewpoints know that when I write, I take my time to state the facts in a professional fashion as possible. Reasons being, I truly and really respect the readers’ intellect that they will differentiate between facts vs. fictions. More so, readers know who’s telling the truth, and who is actually fabricating it for personal goals.

Indeed, just before our glorious independence day, July 9th 2011, I spoke with a then Sudanese diplomat with a Nuer ethnic heritage background, concerning David de Chand. He told me: “ If you saw Dr. Nafia Ali Nafia, chances are, David won’t be far behind.” That’s the closest you can get to the NCP bigots!

Bemused?

You bet! But how a forlorn, with little or no Arabic skills could come out of a blue to the helm of being the sweetheart darling golden boy of the insane Islamic National Front (INF), and ultimately climbing the ladder to earn the title of being one of the worst of all of the betrayers in the history of the nation of South Sudan?!!

Believe me, I do not want to dignify David’s nonsensical interview with the Sudan’s national TV by commenting on them. It was self evidence that the ‘ Satan’ was motivated by a deeply rooted greed for an easy money that he won’t have to wake up to go to work for like normal people in the real world do each and everyday, but the only effective way to deal with traders is to confront them.

That’s exactly why I’m whining about this saga that we are faced with . Firstly, it’s because I’m a South Sudanese, and a Nuer respectively. But what was disturbing the most was the fact that the perpetrator had used the word “ Nuer” in just about every sentence he had spoken in that tacky interview. More chilling to me: In a broken Arabic, he disgorged: “ We are fighting to end the Dinka domination in South Sudan.”

Really?

Evidently, the purported professor, who holds a faked PhD must be an idiot, or simply does not even know how to count! Otherwise, he would have known that in fact, the current government in South is actually dominated by the Nuer, whose rights he claims to be fighting to protect.

Want more? The Defense Minister comes from his own backyard. And I did not even mention another milestone of the fact that the SPLA Chief of Staff, 1st Lt. General, James Hoth Mai, also comes from the Nuer Nation. Witch means that David and his skunk followers, are in reality fighting the very people that they are doggedly pretending to be liberating from the so-called “ Dinka domination.”

How asinine does it get

I have said this before and I’ll say it again: The Nuer around the world who stand by and do nothing while traders are hijacking our reputation, are in fact as guilty, in my opinion, as those of David de Chand and his ignorant gang, who are turning their guns against their own brothers and sisters.

Therefore, if you are a Nuer, this is your fight. It does not matter if you come from Nasir, Bentiue or Fangak. The traders are poisoning your name and reputation, and that should not be tolerated.

It’s high time you do something to regain our rightful place in South Sudan, and yes, around the global village.

Email Luk Kuth Dak at lukedak@hotmail.com.

China to Loan South Sudan $8 Billion

Posted: April 28, 2012 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Economy
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Bloomberg News

By Jared Ferrie on April 28, 2012

China will provide South Sudan $8 billion in development loans over the next two years, a government spokesman said.

The loans will be used for road construction, agriculture, hydroelectricity, infrastructure and telecommunications, which would be built by Chinese companies, according to Barnaba Marial Benjamin, South Sudan’s government spokesman. He declined to reveal the cost of the borrowings.

China signed agreements promising to provide the funding during South Sudanese president Salva Kiir’s visit to Beijing on April 23 to April 26. “It was a very successful visit,” Benjamin said by phone today from the capital Juba. “I think this funding came at the right time.”

South Sudan acquired three quarters of the formerly united nation’s 490,000 barrels of oil a day output when it declared independence on July 9. The export pipelines and processing facilities remain in Sudan and the two countries have been unable to agree on fees for use of the infrastructure. South Sudan lost 98 percent of its revenue when it halted production in January after accusing Sudan of stealing $850 million worth of its oil. Sudan said it confiscated the crude to make up for unpaid fees.

Kiir discussed South Sudan’s plan to build export pipelines that bypass Sudan with Chinese officials, Benjamin said, adding that China didn’t agree to finance such a project.

“They will consider the fact that it is important to have an alternative pipeline,” he said.

Alternative Pipelines

South Sudan said in January that it was planning alternative links. It signed a memorandum with Ethiopia in February to build a pipeline via Djibouti, and said that it’s in talks with a Texas-based construction company to build another line to the Kenyan coastal town of Lamu.

South Sudan’s chief negotiator with Sudan said on April 23 that his country has taken a “strategic decision” to no longer export its oil through Sudan.

Oil revenue sharing is among issues outstanding since the south seceded after fighting a two-decade war with Khartoum. Talks since independence have failed to yield agreements on disputed border regions, and the two nation’s forces have clashed frequently along the frontier.

China dispatched an envoy to the Sudanese capital Khartoum to try and help ease tensions, who would also probably visit Juba in South Sudan in the coming week, Benjamin said.

Crude in both countries is pumped mainly by China National Petroleum Corp., Malaysia’s Petroliam Nasional Bhd. and India’s ONGC Videsh Ltd.

To contact the reporter on this story: Jared Ferrie in Juba at jferrie1@bloomberg.net

To contact the editor responsible for this story: Stephen Voss at sev@bloomberg.net

http://www.businessweek.com/news/2012-04-28/china-to-loan-south-sudan-8-billion

Former British PM Urges Action in South Sudan
Voice of America
April 27, 2012 Former British PM Urges Action in South Sudan Mariama Diallo | London Former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown recently launched an initiative calling on the international community to take urgent action to address education in South 
Weatherford couple leads effort to expand orphanage in South Sudan
Fort Worth Star Telegram
But because she’s on her way to the Republic of South Sudan, she’s not sure when she will be able to go to the dentist again. It’s not the first time that the former American Red Cross worker has been to the war-torn region, but her mission is 
Unity State governor forms new cabinet
Sudan Tribune
By Bonifacio Taban Kuich April 27, 2012 (BENTIU) – Unity State’s Governor Taban Deng Gai announced his new cabinet, county commissioners and advisers on Wednesday, urging them to work hard to manage the financial crisis that resulted from South Sudan’s 
South Sudan official says Khartoum-backed rebels attack southern frontier town 
Washington Post
JUBA, South Sudan — A southern official says a rebel force backed by Khartoum launched attacks on a frontier town near South Sudan’s disputed border with Sudan. South Sudan military spokesman Col. Philip Aguer said Saturday that Friday’s attack 

China to Loan South Sudan $8 Billion
BusinessWeek
By Jared Ferrie on April 28, 2012 China will provide South Sudan $8 billion in development loans over the next two years, a government spokesman said. The loans will be used for road construction, agriculture, hydroelectricity, infrastructure and 

South Sudan hopeful of becoming full Fifa member
East African
Photo/File Kenya’s Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka presents a medal to a South Sudan national football team player after the new nation played Kenya’s Tusker FC at the Juba stadium to celebrate its Independence from Khartoum last year.

East Africa: South Sudan, Sudan should to resolve unfinished business under CPA
Afrique en Ligue
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania – Leaders of the East African Community (EAC) on Saturday urged President Salva Kiir of South Sudan and President Omar al-Bashir of Sudan to return to the negotiating table and find peaceful means of resolving all their 

Syerramia Willoughby

LSE’s Matthew Le Riche is in Rubkona in South Sudan, which was under attack by Sudanese forces on Monday. He sent this report of the situation in the town. You may find some of the photos accompanying the report distressing.

Early on Monday morning, at least two Sudanese military jet fighters attacked the market in Rubkona near Bentiu, 80 kilometres from Heglig, depending on where you place the border it remains well inside South Sudan. At least one civilian, a young boy, was killed by one of two direct hits on the small shelter in which he was hiding. Other munitions hit a fuel store nearby and others fell into the river near the market, not far from the only bridge in the area.

Deputy Minister of Defence, Dr. Majak Agoot and Unity State Governor Taban Deng Gai surveying the aftermath of the attack in Rubkona Market. They paused where the young boy had died and said a prayer.

This blatant attack on civilians occured just days after the South Sudanese army agreed to withdraw from the disputed Heglig area in a ceasefire agreement compelled solely by international diplomatic pressure.

The Sudanese Armed Forces have once again launched an assault on civilians inside South Sudan. Reliable sources also indicated that throughout Sunday and at the same time as the jets attacked the market in Rubkona, a series of attacks upon South Sudanese army border defenses were repulsed.

Sudanese aircraft

Capturing and holding Heglig from the Sudanese army earlier this month came after a long string of similar indiscriminate attacks just as those experienced this morning by civilians in Rubkona. The South Sudanese army Chief of General Staff James Hoth Mai, Deputy Minister of Defence Majak Agoot and other leaders have all indicated that the original move into Heglig was for the purpose of preventing attacks by Sudanese forces on the people of South Sudan, what they clearly understand as an act of self-defence. In an interview General Mai indicated that ‘Khartoum has been using Heglig to terrorise our people, to attack our people, using proxy war with militias in the South … they attack us and then they run to Heglig.’

A casualty of the Sudanese attack on Rubkona

The capture of Heglig by the SPLA revealed Sudanese Armed Forces unwilling to fight for Bashir. Rather than stand and fight, the forces fled leaving equipment and arms behind for the SPLA to capture. This was made clear in video footage of the event acquired from the South Sudanese military.

The withdrawal, due to international pressure and efforts at conciliation on the part of the government of South Sudan, seems to have done little but to embolden President Bashir to continue attacking the South Sudanese, likely a part of a bid to cling to power in Khartoum.  Bashir and northern Sudanese forces are thus continuing to target civilians using high tech tools of war as the needless death of a young boy on Monday morning made so tragically clear.

http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/africaatlse/2012/04/24/lse-academic-describes-sudanese-attack-on-south-sudan-town/


Sudan v South Sudan: Close to the brink

Apr 28th 2012 | BENTIU, JUBA AND NAIROBI | from the print edition

THE military build-up is immediately apparent in the barracks in Rubkona, just a few miles south of the disputed border between the two Sudans. It is usually home just to the 4th division of the South Sudanese army, but pickup trucks with mounted machineguns and the logo of the 6th division loll in the shade while the 2nd division puts on a show for visiting journalists. Both units are usually based much farther south. Alcohol laces the breath of a parading soldier early in the morning. Generals, including the army chief of staff and the deputy head of military intelligence, discuss the latest events.

On April 20th South Sudan announced the withdrawal of its troops from the Heglig oilfields north of the de facto border after seizing them ten days earlier. The leaders of the new country, which formally gained independence from the north only nine months ago, had come under intense pressure from the African Union and the UN, which described the advance as an “illegal act”. The north claimed a military victory, saying it had killed hundreds of Southern Sudanese. The truth probably lies in-between: finding it harder than it anticipated to hold on to Heglig, South Sudan retreated under fire. Civilians and soldiers looted anything of value. Oil installations are severely damaged—a big blow to Sudan’s economy, which is already reeling from the south’s secession.

Along the grassy border, even after the southern withdrawal, fighting has continued. There were ground clashes on April 22nd and Sudan conducted a series of air raids. On April 23rd MiG jets roared over Bentiu and Rubkona (see map). Plucky locals, not all in uniform, fired haplessly at them with AK-47s and the odd machinegun. The aircraft tried to destroy a bridge between the two towns, which allows South Sudan to send reinforcements to what is now thought of as “the front”.

One jet also strafed Rubkona’s market, killing at least two people. The next day, farmers and charcoal-sellers were among those wounded when a market in Lalop was hit. A local leader, Taban Deng, claims that well over 80 civilians have been killed in air raids since the beginning of March. Nyaka Tunguar, a teaseller, was the only survivor when a rocket hit her stall. “I was injured and five people died, but they died for their land, so I am proud.” Nationalist sentiment is running high in both countries, though Sudan’s archbishop, Daniel Deng, is probably right when he warns that the two governments are close to starting a war that their people do not need or really want.

Sudan’s leaders deny any cross-border incursions. President Omar al-Bashir was bullish when he visited Heglig after its recapture. “There can be no negotiations”, he said, with the South Sudanese, who understand only “the gun and bullets”. A couple of days earlier he described South Sudan’s politicians as insects to be eradicated. Hardliners in Khartoum, the northern capital, want the army to sweep deep into the south, or at least to take over oilfields beyond the border. More thoughtful types in the top brass realise the northern army is overstretched; it is already engaged in the rebellious regions of Darfur, Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile.

The United States has protested loudly against aggression on both sides. A presidential envoy visited the north and south but had relatively little to offer. The African Union (AU) urged both sides to stop fighting, and said they had three months to sort out their disagreements, which include the exact location of the border, the status of each country’s citizens in the other state and, above all, oil. But the AU has few powers for imposing a resolution.

Some of its members may be better placed to influence events. Ugandan officials have warned that they will respond to a Sudanese attack on Juba, the southern capital, from the air. That is no empty threat: a recent purchase of Russian Sukhoi fighter jets puts Sudan in range. Kenya, like Uganda a big investor in the south, has been more measured in its response, stressing that South Sudan should become a member of the East African Community, a trade block. Kenyan leaders are keen for South Sudanese oil to flow through a proposed pipeline to a new port due to be built on Kenya’s coast near Lamu.

Ethiopia is also involved. Meles Zenawi, the prime minister, has worked hard to build trust on both sides. Ethiopian traders supply many Sudanese in both countries with cheap goods. Mr Meles has previously hosted talks and sent peacekeepers to some parts of the disputed border. He could now decide to withdraw or reinforce them. Ethiopian officials say they are working with Egypt, with which it has had testy relations, to find a common position.

But can outsiders persuade the warring parties to stand down? The north is not very responsive at the moment, whereas southern politicians are sending mixed signals. President Salva Kiir flew to China on April 23rd, another country with influence on both sides, and listened to pleas for peace. But his vice-president, Riek Machar, said back home, “We will defend ourselves. If they continue bombarding, if they continue to attack us, we definitely will retaliate.”

There is grandstanding on both sides, along with the mobilisation of civilians. Sudan has boosted its Popular Defence Force, a state militia, and the south is telling its people to stop fighting tribal battles and defend the homeland. War is closer than at any time since the 2005 peace deal that ended decades of civil war. This time, there is unlikely to be a winner.

http://www.economist.com/node/21553453

The Sudans at loggerheads

Africa’s next big war?

Less than a year after partition, the two Sudans are close to conflict. China holds the key to peace

Apr 28th 2012 | from the print edition

BADLY drawn imperialist borders that cut across tribes or lumped too many diverse people unhappily together once fuelled much violence in Africa. Half a century after independence full-blown wars are much rarer, even if some borders still irritate. One of the last open wounds appeared to close on July 9th 2011, when the mainly Christian and animist south of Sudan seceded from the predominantly Muslim north. After decades of fighting that killed some 2m people, partition seemed to mark a success for both African and Western mediators.

Yet now that success is overshadowed by the threat of war. Over the past nine months the two Sudanese successor states were supposed to find a way to divide up such things as oil revenues, border posts and the rights of people living on one side of the border who wish to be citizens on the other. Both sides made outsized demands and engaged in extreme brinkmanship. New sparks flew when the south announced plans to build a pipeline to the Indian Ocean, through Kenya to the south-east, which would cut the north out of most of the oil trade. Militias, often proxies of the old rump state or the new southern one, attacked each other. International mediators, vital as brokers of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement that paved the way for partition, stood aside, though Ethiopia and Egypt organised some talks and the UN proffered advice. Barack Obama last week made a stirring appeal for calm.

On balance, the north has been more obstructive than the south. For years it has repeatedly acted in bad faith, loth even to contemplate independence for the south. But more recently it is the south that has been reckless, sending its troops to capture the Heglig oilfield, which lies clearly to the north of the border. This has turned niggling animosity into a conventional battle for territory. The north recaptured its lost land on April 20th, killing hundreds in the process and bombing a market near the southern town of Bentiu on April 23rd (see article).

Negotiations have completely broken down. Both sides talk darkly of a “declaration of war”. This may be just more brinkmanship, but could tip everyone over the edge. Troops are massing on the border. The south, once a lot weaker in conventional terms, has bought a bazaar of arms, including tanks.

As well as causing untold misery in the Sudans, an all-out conflict could suck in other countries. Uganda’s government has threatened to help South Sudan against the north, which it suspects of funding a Ugandan terror group, the Lord’s Resistance Army. Other governments in the region are keenly aware that the Sudans sit on a fault-line between Muslims and Christians that cuts from east to west across the continent, reaching volatile Nigeria and beyond.

There be dragons

Common sense can and should prevail. Some northerners still want the south to fail as a state; it needs to be spelled out to them that, if this were to happen, the north would suffer badly too. The underlying question is financial: how much should the landlocked south pay the north for using its pipelines and export terminals on the Red Sea to export its oil? The north has been demanding a ludicrous price. But the Sudans need each other: the oil and the pipelines are both worthless by themselves. If the two countries could agree on a way to divide up the spoils, the rest should fall into place.

Outsiders can help break the deadlock. The United States can lean on the south to dissuade it from making foolish cross-border raids. At the same time, the West should make clear that it will lift sanctions currently imposed on the north because of its depredations in Darfur (a separate bloody conflict), but only if the north proves more willing to co-operate on every front, including the pipelines. The UN should also send peacekeepers as a buffer along the north-south border.

Most crucially, the Chinese should step forward. They are best placed of all to secure a lasting peace deal, for they alone have the contacts, the credibility and commercial interests on both sides. Once allies of the northerners, they are now just as close to the south. It was to Beijing that South Sudan’s president, Salva Kiir, flew at the height of the most recent spat.

The Sudans were China’s sixth-biggest source of oil imports in 2011. The fighting has snarled up production. Alive to their own interests, Chinese leaders have started to inch from their longstanding doctrine of non-interference in imbroglios in far-flung places. Keeping the peace in the Sudans could be a showcase of a new Chinese diplomacy—to the benefit of all.

http://www.economist.com/node/21553442

Sudan and South Sudan: Giving divorce a bad name

South Sudan has invaded parts of the north less than a year after its secession

Apr 14th 2012 | KHARTOUM | from the print edition

THE cold war between Africa’s newest neighbours is heating up. South Sudanese troops advanced deep into Sudan on April 10th, capturing its most valuable oilfield, Heglig, in the biggest clash since the south seceded from the north last July. Southern troops claimed to be responding to air and ground attacks from their former master, but the scale of the offensive is unprecedented. A fragile peace process that has survived several bumps in the past few months may now falter. Sudan has suspended its participation in the divorce negotiations in neighbouring Ethiopia. Parliaments in both countries are calling for military mobilisation. The drums of war beat ever louder.

The last straw could be South Sudan claiming Heglig as its own. A ruling by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague in 2009 appears to put the field in the Sudanese state of Southern Kordofan. But the south now disputes this. “Heglig is deep inside our borders,” says Colonel Philip Aguer, a spokesman for South Sudan’s army, adding that its troops have moved farther north. Sudan will not accept this, and for once it seems to be getting some international support. The African Union is calling on the south to withdraw its soldiers immediately and unconditionally. Sudan has complained to the UN Security Council.

The crisis is a direct result of both sides’ failure to make progress in negotiations over post-secession security arrangements, citizenship rules and oil revenues, among other issues that should have been resolved long ago. Both countries have accused each other of supporting rebels on their territory since before separation. Of the two, the southern rebels in Sudan are by far the stronger. Known as SPLM-North, they supported the decades-long southern fight for independence but found themselves on the wrong side of the border at separation. The group controls much of the Nuba mountains in Southern Kordofan and launches guerrilla raids in Blue Nile state. Sudan says SPLM-North is getting weapons and supplies from South Sudan, and that its fighters go there to rest after battles. The northern rebels in the south are smaller but have sometimes caused havoc in Unity and Upper Nile states. A local oil worker says they previously helped to defend Heglig.

Just as Sudan faces a renewed threat from the south, the long-running civil conflict in its western Darfur region is escalating again. Three years ago, General Martin Agwai, then commander of African Union peacekeeping troops in Darfur, said the conflict was “over” and that banditry was now the biggest problem. But on April 3rd areas around Sortony in North Darfur were hit by aerial bombardments and attacked by pro-government militias on the ground, forcing thousands of civilians to flee and sparking fears that the bad old times are back.

They may be. A dissident report by former UN investigators that has been submitted to the Security Council—but not yet published—documents the recent recruitment of non-Arab militias by the Sudanese Armed Forces. They are accused of ethnic cleansing of the Zaghawa tribe,which is led by Minni Minnawi, a Darfuri rebel who last year withdrew from a peace agreement that had made him a presidential adviser. The report says the use of non-Arab militias marks a “significant evolution”. At least 70,000 civilians appear to have fled new attacks in 2011.

The UN report also documents fresh ammunition deliveries by the Sudanese army to Darfur and reports on a series of air bombardments of civilians in the Zaghawa stronghold of Shangal Tobay in early 2011. A UN arms embargo was apparently violated by the deployment of at least five Sudanese Sukhoi ground attack jets in Darfur and the acquisition by Sudan of new Antonov aircraft of a type that has previously been used in bombing campaigns. One Antonov was photographed next to open crates of bombs.

On the opposing side, Darfuri rebel groups seem to have formed an alliance with South Sudanese troops. Together they call themselves the Sudan Revolutionary Front. A separate report published this month by the Small Arms Survey, a Geneva-based think-tank, says that the two groups have claimed credit for the same attacks around Jau and Tarogi in February and for downing an unmanned Iranian-made plane in Southern Kordofan on March 13th.

The fighting is making life ever harder for the half million South Sudanese who live in the north. “I have been in this country for 43 years but am no longer welcome here,” says one, as he makes plans to leave in a hurry. Following separation, South Sudanese were given until April 8th to sort out their status. But South Sudan has failed to issue identity documents, leaving them in legal limbo. Most are keen to leave, fearing for their welfare.

Only a month ago a solution seemed at hand. Negotiators on both sides initialled a “Four Freedoms” agreement, allowing citizens to move, live, work and own property in either country. But Islamist hardliners in Sudan objected, accusing southerners of being fifth columnists. The loss of Sudan’s main oilfield will not reassure them.

http://www.economist.com/node/21552581


The Obama Administration’s Naively Even-Handed Response to a Crisis in Sudan

 Armin Rosen
April 27, 2012
                    When Barack Obama released a video message to Sudan and South Sudan last Sunday, he urged the people of both countries to reject armed conflict and return to negotiations. Obama gravely warned that “heated rhetoric on both sides has raised the risk of war.” With the two countries once again on the brink of a full-scale armed conflict, the President’s message was well-intentioned. But it also revealed the key flaw in the administration’s policy towards the two Sudans’ collision course: a naïve even-handedness.
                   The current crisis began when South Sudan, in late March, invaded Heglig, a disputed oil-rich border town that has been controlled by the north for decades, pulled out, and then re-invaded on April 10. Khartoum responded with bombing runs deep inside southern territory. The south’s actions set off a wave of international condemnations: U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki Moon stated that the seizure was illegal, and both the African Union and the European Union condemned the incursion. What’s somewhat more surprising is that the United States joined the chorus. State Department spokesperson Mark Toner “strongly condemned” the invasion on April 16; the next day, U.S. ambassador to the U.N. and current U.N. Security Council president Susan Rice told reporters that the Council had discussed sanctioning both countries for their actions over the previous week.
                   The White House thought that the best way to diffuse the conflict was to publicly insist that the South Sudan had ceded the moral high ground. But what the American and international condemnations ignored was what came before the south’s incursion into Heglig: repeated military provocations by the north. Last summer, just weeks before the south officially became independent, the northern military entered and then leveled the disputed city of Abyei. On March 26, the northern air force began to attack disputed territories currently controlled by the south, and on April 9, the northern military began shelling Teshwin, a town near Heglig. This was not unusual—the northern government had bombed oil fields inside of South Sudan’s Unity State just three weeks earlier, and had even bombed a refugee camp in the state back in November.
                    These bombings were accompanied by Khartoum distancing itself from the peace process: On March 26, northern president Omar al-Bashir cancelled an upcoming meeting with his southern counterpart, Salva Kiir, in the southern capital of Juba. And on April 7, the northern government announced plans to begin stripping southerners who fled to the present-day north Sudan during the country’s 22-year civil war of their Sudanese citizenship, abandoning an informal agreement reached just days earlier. Juba’s response to such aggression from its neighbor had been commendably restrained, though its patience has received little international recognition.
                     To be sure, South Sudan’s recent seizure of Heglig did nothing to ameliorate the conflict. But as an effort to put a halt to the north’s bombing campaign, and to prevent the north from settling the border issue through violent blackmail, it should have been given a chance to succeed. Instead, the Obama administration, Juba’s closest international ally, demanded that it withdraw, then strongly implied that Juba and Khartoum were equally culpable for the conflict. The result was predictable: South Sudan retreated, and the pace of the north’s bombing campaign subsequently increased. On Monday, northern jets bombed a marketplace in Bentiu, the capital of Unity State; on Tuesday, a newspaper in Juba reported that South Sudanese border towns near Heglig had come under renewed ground attack.
By joining the U.N., the EU and the A.U. in condemning the southern incursion into Heglig, the U.S. government effectively validated Khartoum’s conviction that it is the victim in its conflict with South Sudan.
                       The U.S. was in a position to stand up to a strategically and morally flawed consensus position—to argue that, after the northern invasion of Abyei and six months of air attacks inside of Unity State, South Sudan had a right to both defend itself and counter the north’s bad-faith approach to negotiation over their disputed border. Instead, by assigning equal blame for the conflict, the Obama administration handed a strategic victory to the same regime in Khartoum responsible for the worst atrocities during the Darfur conflict, while alienating Washington’s Western-leaning partners in Juba.
                        It is not too late for the administration to turn the situation around. Obama should make clear to Sudan, either through a public statement or through Sudan envoy Princeton Lyman, that the U.S. will steadfastly support South Sudan in its conflict with Khartoum. Bashir should know not to expect any more American diplomatic interventions on his behalf.
                       This week, Southern President Salva Kiir was in Beijing meeting with Chinese premiere Hu Jintao. Obama should make sure that Kiir’s next international stop is Washington, D.C., where the president can reassure the South Sudanese leader that the United States’ top diplomatic priority in the region is an end to all northern hostilities in internationally-recognized southern territory. A Security Council resolution to this effect—one that condemns Khartoum for the perpetuation of the conflict—would further communicate to Bashir that the international community’s scrutiny has shifted north. Indeed, this is where Obama’s attention should have been from the start of the crisis. Failing an ally, while validating the strategic calculus of a belligerent, autocratic regime, is no way to prevent a war.
                       Armin Rosen is a freelance writer based in New York.
Kiir, back from China, says Heglig belongs to South Sudan
Chicago Tribune
JUBA (Reuters) – South Sudanese President Salva Kiir, back from an official visit to China, said on Friday that his armed forces had not damaged the contested Heglig oilfield they seized for 10 days earlier this month because it belongs to South Sudan.
SOUTH SUDAN: Teresa Nyakouth, “He was still holding his shoes when he died”
IRINnews.org
BENTIU, 27 April 2012 (IRIN) – Teresa Nyakuoth, a 24-year-old mother of two, was shopping in the market next to her home in Rubkhona, a district of the South Sudanese town of Bentiu, when a Sudanese bomb fell on 23 April. The blast killed one teenage 
Arab League condemns South Sudan ‘aggression’
STLtoday.com
The Arab League on Thursday condemned South Sudan’s “military aggression” against an oil-rich border region claimed by Sudan while also supporting Sudan’s right to defend itself. The statement came as some fear growing disputes between the two 
Oxfam: South Sudan refugees face water shortages
Belleville News Democrat
By TOM ODULA – AP NAIROBI, Kenya — Tens of thousands of refugees in South Sudan’s Jamam camp must be urgently moved to a new site to escape life-threatening water shortages and fatal diseases, an aid agency said Friday. The boreholes that provide the 

The Jesus debate: Man vs. myth

Does Easter celebrate a man, a savior, or a myth? Some say Jesus never existed and was a myth created by early Christians.

By John Blake, CNN

(CNN)– Timothy Freke was flipping through an old academic book when he came across a religious image that some would call obscene.

It was a drawing of a third-century amulet depicting a naked man nailed to a cross. The man was born of a virgin, preached about being

“born again” and had risen from the dead after crucifixion, Freke says.

But the name on the amulet wasn’t Jesus. It was a pseudonym for Osiris-Dionysus, a pagan god in ancient Mediterranean culture.

Freke says the amulet was evidence of something that sounds like sacrilege – and some would say it is: that Jesus never existed.

He was a myth created by first-century Jews who modeled him after other dying and resurrected pagan gods, says Freke, author of

“The Jesus Mysteries: Was the ‘Original Jesus’ a Pagan God?”

“If I said to you that there was no real Good Samaritan, I don’t think anyone would be outraged,” says Freke, one of a group of

mythicists who say Jesus never existed. “It’s a teaching story. What we’re saying is that the Jesus story is an allegory.

It’s a parable of the spiritual journey.”

CNN’s Belief Blog: The faith angles behind the biggest stories

On Easter Sunday, millions of Christians worldwide mark the resurrection of Jesus. Though Christians clash over many issues,

almost all agree that he existed.

But there is another view of Jesus that’s been emerging, one that strikes at the heart of the Easter story. A number of authors

and scholars say Jesus never existed. Such assertions could have been ignored in an earlier age.  But in the age of the Internet

and self-publishing, these arguments have gained enough traction that some of the world’s leading New Testament scholars feel

compelled to publicly take them on.

Most Jesus deniers are Internet kooks, says Bart D. Ehrman, a New Testament scholar who recently released a book devoted

to the question called “Did Jesus Exist? The Historical Argument for Jesus of Nazareth.”

He says Freke and others who deny Jesus’ existence are conspiracy theorists trying to sell books.

“There are people out there who don’t think the Holocaust happened, there wasn’t a lone JFK assassin and Obama wasn’t born

in the U.S.,” Ehrman says. “Among them are people who don’t think Jesus existed.”

Does it matter if Jesus existed?

Some Jesus mythicists say many New Testament scholars are intellectual snobs.

“I don’t think I’m some Internet kook or Holocaust denier,” says Robert Price, a former Baptist pastor who argues

in “Deconstructing Jesus” that a historical Jesus probably didn’t exist.

“They say I’m a bitter ex-fundamentalist. It’s pathetic to see this character assassination. That’s what people resort to

when they don’t have solid arguments.”

 The debate over Jesus’ existence has led to a curious role reversal. Two of the New Testament scholars who are leading

the way arguing for Jesus’ existence have a reputation for attacking, not defending, traditional Christianity.

Ehrman, for example, is an agnostic who has written books that argue that virtually half  of the New Testament is forged.

Another defender of Jesus’ existence is John Dominic Crossan, a New Testament scholar who has been called a heretic

because his books challenge some traditional Christian teachings.

But as to the existence of Jesus, Crossan says, he’s “certain.”

He says some Jesus deniers may be people who have a problem with Christianity.

“It’s a way of responding to something you don’t like,” Crossan says. “We can’t say that Obama doesn’t exist, but we can

say that he’s not an American.  If we’re talking about Obama in the future, there are people who might not only say he

wasn’t American, but he didn’t even exist.”

Does it even matter if Jesus existed? Can’t people derive inspiration from his teachings whether he actually walked the Earth?

Crossan says Jesus’ existence matters in the same way that the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s existence mattered.

If King never existed, people would say his ideas are lovely, but they could never work in the real world, Crossan says.

It’s the same with an historical Jesus, Crossan writes in his latest book, “The Power of Parable: How Fiction by Jesus

Became Fiction about Jesus.”

“The power of Jesus’ historical life challenges his followers by proving at least one human being could cooperate fully with God.

And if one, why not others? If some, why not all?”

The evidence against Jesus’ existence

Those who argue against Jesus’ existence make some of these points:

-The uncanny parallels between pagan stories in the ancient world and the stories of Jesus.

-No credible sources outside the Bible say Jesus existed.

-The Apostle Paul never referred to a historical Jesus.

Price, author of “Deconstructing Jesus,” says the first-century Western world was full of stories of a martyred hero

who is called a son of God.

“There are ancient novels from that period where the hero is condemned to the cross and even crucified, but he escapes

and survives it,” Price says. “That looks like Jesus.”

Those who argue for the existence of Jesus often cite two external biblical sources: the Jewish historian Josephus who wrote

about Jesus at the end of the first century and the Roman historian Tacitus, who wrote about Jesus at the start of the second century.

But some scholars say Josephus’ passage was tampered with by later Christian authors. And Price says the two historians are not

credible on Jesus.

“Josephus and Tacitus – they both thought Hercules was a true figure,” Price says. “Both of them spoke of Hercules as a figure that existed.”

Price concedes that there were plenty of mythical stories that were draped around historical figures like Caesar. But there’s plenty of

secular documentation to show Caesar existed.

“Everything we read about Jesus in the gospels conforms to the mythic hero,” Price says. “There’s nothing left over that indicates that

he was a real historical figure.”

Those who argue for the existence of Jesus cite another source: the testimony of the Apostle Paul and Jesus’ early disciples. Paul even

writes in one New Testament passage about meeting James, the brother of Jesus.

These early disciples not only believed Jesus was real but were willing to die for him. People don’t die for myths, some biblical scholars say.

They will if the experience is powerful enough, says Richard Carrier, author of “Proving History.”

Carrier says it’s probable that Jesus never really existed and that early Christians experienced a mythic Jesus who came to them through

visions and revelations.

Two of the most famous stories in the New Testament – the conversion of Paul and the stoning death of Stephen, one of the first Christian

martyrs – show that people seized by religious visions are willing to die, Carrier says.

In both the Paul and Stephen stories, the writers say that they didn’t see an actual Jesus but a heavenly vision of Jesus, Carrier says.

People “can have powerful religious experiences that don’t correspond to reality,” Carrier says.

“The perfect model is Paul himself,” Carrier says. “He never met Jesus. Paul only had an encounter with this heavenly Jesus.

Paul is completely converted by this religious experience, but no historical Jesus is needed for that to happen.”

As for the passage where Paul says he met James, Jesus’ brother, Carrier says:

“The problem with that is that all baptized Christians were considered brothers of the Lord.”

The evidence for Jesus’ existence

Some scholars who argue for the existence of Jesus says the New Testament mentions actual people and events that are substantiated

by historical documents and archaeological discoveries.

Ehrman, author of “Did Jesus Exist?” scoffed at the notion that the ancient world was full of pagan stories about dying deities that rose again.

Where’s the proof? he asks.

Ehrman devoted an entire section of his book to critiquing Freke, the mythicist and author of “The Jesus Mysteries:

Was the ‘Original Jesus’ a Pagan God?” who says there was an ancient Osiris-Dionysus figure who shares uncanny parallels to Jesus.

He says Freke can’t offer any proof that an ancient Osiris figure was born on December 25, was crucified and rose again. He says

Freke is citing 20th- and 19th-century writers who tossed out the same theories.

Ehrman says that when you read ancient stories about mythological figures like Hercules and Osiris, “there’s nothing about them

dying and rising again.”

“He doesn’t know much about ancient history,” Ehrman says of Freke. “He’s not a scholar. All he knows is what he’s read in other

conspiracy books.”

Craig A. Evans, the author of “Jesus and His World: The Archaeological Evidence,” says the notion that Paul gave his life for a mythical

Jesus is absurd.

He says the New Testament clearly shows that Paul was an early enemy of the Christian church who sought to stamp out the burgeoning

Jesus movement.

“Don’t you think if you were in Paul’s shoes, you would have quickly discovered that there was no Jesus?” Evans asks.  “If there was no

Jesus, then how did the movement start?”

Evans also dismissed the notion that early Christians blended or adopted pagan myths to create their own mythical Jesus. He says the

first Christians were Jews who despised everything about pagan culture.

“For a lot of Jewish people, the pagan world was disgusting,” Evans says. “I can’t imagine [the Gospel writer] Matthew making up a

story where he is drawing parallels between Jesus’ birth and pagan stories about Zeus having sex with some fair maiden.”

The words of Jesus also offer proof that he actually existed, Evans says.  A vivid personality practically bursts from the pages of the

New Testament: He speaks in riddles, talks about camels squeezing through the eye of a needle, weeps openly and even loses his temper.

Evans says he is a man who is undeniably Jewish, a genius who understands his culture but also transcends his tradition with gem-like parables.

“Who but Jesus could tell the Parable of the Good Samaritan?” Evans says. “Where does this bolt of lightning come from? You don’t get

this out of an Egyptian myth.”

Those who argue against the existence of Jesus say they aren’t trying to destroy people’s faith.

“I don’t have any desire to upset people,” says Freke. “I do have a passion for the truth. … I don’t think rational people in the

20th century

can go down a road just on blind faith.”

Yet Easter was never just about rationale.

The Easter stories about the resurrection are strange: Disciples don’t recognize Jesus as they meet him on the road; he tells someone

not to touch him; he  eats fish in another.

In the Gospel of Matthew, a resurrected Jesus suddenly appears to a group of disciples and gives them this cryptic message:

“Do not be afraid. Go and tell my brothers to go to Galilee; there they will see me.”

And what did they see: a person, a pagan myth or a savior?

Albert Schweitzer, a 20th-century theologian and missionary, suggested that there will never be one answer to that question.

He said that looking for Jesus in history is like looking down a well: You see only your own reflection.

The “real” Jesus, Schweitzer says, will remain “a stranger and an enigma,” someone who is always ahead of us.

http://religion.blogs.cnn.com/2012/04/07/the-jesus-debate-man-vs-myth/